“A Labour MP has voiced strong opposition to his party’s proposed devolution bill, warning that its provisions could forge an “unholy alliance” between Cornwall and Devon.”

But the government isn’t listening to him and intends to press ahead. 

Given our experiences of Devon and Cornwall Police Commissioners, Owl believes a Devon and Cornwall Mayor will be nothing other than a complete disaster. Think of just the practicalities; it takes more than three hours to drive from the east to the west of the region and a couple of hours north to south.

Harry Taylor www.independent.co.uk 

Perran Moon, who represents Camborne and Redruth, argued that any plan for a mayoral strategic authority spanning both regions constitutes “blatant discrimination” and disregards Cornwall’s national minority status.

He cautioned that such a move would severely damage trust between Cornwall and Westminster for generations, potentially fuelling Cornish nationalism.

Mr Moon, elected in last year’s general election, also questioned the willingness of Devonian taxpayers to fund Cornish language lessons and road signs under the suggested arrangements.

Mr Moon said: “Because of our national minority status, Cornwall will never, Cornwall cannot ever, join a mayoral combined authority.

“No matter what ministerial pressure is applied.

“Whether through the withdrawal of economic development funding, or the prevention of access to social housing funding.

“None of this will make us compromise our national minority status, because frankly it is discriminatory to do so.”

The MP, who served on the Bill Committee debating potential changes to the proposed legislation, said he was upset Labour had brought it forward.

He said it did not take into account the national minority status awarded to Cornwall by the UK government in 2014.

It put them on a similar footing to the Scots, Welsh and Irish and, according to the Council of Europe’s framework, meant Cornish people have the right to “preserve… and develop their distinct culture and identity”.

The English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill would create combined mayoral authorities to replace councils that would oversee key areas, including transport, skills and employment, and housing.

There are fears that those who do not take part in the reorganisation and get mayors will lose out on extra funding.

“I have to say that it is disappointing to me that a party I love could bring forward a Bill that ignores the wishes of Cornwall, and what national minority status actually means,” Mr Moon said.

“To those who mock and disparage and denigrate Cornwall’s constitutional position on this island, I say this to you: if you try to ensnare us on an unholy alliance with a part of England, it will rebound negatively.

“The impact and the consequences of an unamended Bill will be felt across Cornwall for decades… the relationship with Westminster would decline, and the current simmering resentment and disillusion would be baked in.

“Regrettably it would not surprise me if the calls for full fifth national status for Cornwall will simply grow if this Bill passes unamended.”

Urging ministers to reconsider, Mr Moon continued: “We stand at a crossroads.

“I urge ministers to be bold, be flexible, and empower our communities.

“Do not impose their ideological, governance template on us.

“If unamended, the impact of this Bill is that Cornwall would be the only part of the United Kingdom locked out of access to the highest level of devolution, based solely on who we are.

“That is rank, blatant discrimination, and I cannot and I will not accept it.

“Ministers know all this, because we’ve had several discussions and meetings to look at the risks, and to that end, with a heavy heart, I have to say to ministers that in its current unamended state, I will not be supporting the English devolution Bill.”

It’s set to compete for votes in an upcoming by-election

Bradley Gerrard www.devonlive.com

A new political group is putting forward its first-ever candidate in an upcoming by-election in East Devon.

Independents for Exmouth said Lou Doliczny would be the party’s first-ever candidate as it competes on the ballot paper for votes in the town council by-election for the Halsdon ward.

The full candidate list for the Exmouth Town Council by-election consists of Paula Burtoft (Conservative), Lou Doliczny (Independent), Suzanne Isaacs (Liberal Democrat), and Tony Quinn (Reform UK).

The party, which launched this month, has been formed of three existing independent members on Exmouth Town Council – Dan Wilson, Nicky Nicholls and Louise Venables.

Even if Independents for Exmouth won the seat, though, it wouldn’t fundamentally change the make-up of the council.

At present, the Liberal Democrats have nine seats, followed by the Conservatives with six. The existing cohort of independent councillors amounts to five members, while the Greens have three town councillors in Exmouth and one Labour.

This means existing independent members Aurora Bailey and Ian Kirvan have not joined Independents for Exmouth.

The by-election will take place on Thursday 4 December, and residents will also have an opportunity to vote for the person they want to hold the Halsdon seat on East Devon District Council too.

Those candidates are: Paula Burtoft (Conservative), Fran McElhone (Liberal Democrat), Tony Quinn (Reform UK), and Tony Woodward (Green Party).

Note from Owl: These vacancies arise from the sad death of Councillor Andrew Toye, Lib Dem , who represented Exmouth for many years.

Local context:

[4 June 2020 Dr Cathy Gardner starts fund raising to mount a judicial review over government failure to protect care home patients. She wins her case at the end of April 2022.

Rishi Sunak’s “Eat Out to Help Out” scheme offered discounts across the four nations on eating out from Monday to Wednesday between 3 and 31 August 2020. (This was done without consulting scientific advice.)

20 August Record numbers of coronavirus cases have been confirmed in Devon with more than 1000 cases alone reported in the day’s Government update.] – Owl

Key events from January 2020 to May 2022 (continued)

The second wave (Chapters 6 and 7)

In the autumn of 2020, infection rates varied significantly across the UK, leading to more significant divergence in approach as all four governments tried to manage the increasing case rates at a local level. The UK government, Welsh Government and Northern Ireland Executive had all failed to learn from the experiences of the first lockdown. Local restrictions were introduced too late, were not in place for long enough or were too weak to control the spread of the virus.

Ministers are required to weigh up all competing factors in their decision-making and do not always need to follow scientific advice. However, the reasons for rejecting scientific advice – and the implications of doing so – must be clearly understood.

Throughout September and October 2020, Mr Johnson repeatedly changed his mind on whether to introduce tougher restrictions and failed to make timely decisions. For those restrictions that were introduced, such as the ‘rule of six’, SAGE had warned that they were unlikely to be effective, but Mr Johnson continued to reject SAGE’s advice to implement a ‘circuit breaker’ lockdown. The weakness of the restrictions used and Mr Johnson’s oscillation enabled the virus to continue spreading at pace, and ultimately resulted in a four-week lockdown from 5 November 2020.

Mr Johnson should have ordered the imposition of a circuit breaker lockdown in late September or early October 2020. Had a circuit breaker been utilised at that time, the second lockdown in England could have been reduced in length and severity – and might conceivably have been avoided altogether. In the event – with the opportunity to regain control having been lost – the second lockdown should have been imposed more quickly. Unlike the circuit breaker or ‘firebreak’ restrictions in Wales and the circuit breaker restrictions in Northern Ireland, the second England-wide lockdown was not timed to coincide with the school half-term holidays. Schools did, however, remain open.

The Welsh Government’s approach of targeted local restrictions was ultimately unsuccessful and led to the imposition of the firebreak. Despite receiving clear advice on 5 October 2020 that the reproduction number (the average number of people that one person with a disease infects) was above 1 and that further restrictions were needed to avoid hospital capacity being exceeded, modelling of the proposed firebreak was not sought until 11 October and the firebreak was not implemented until 23 October. From August to December 2020, Wales had the highest age-standardised mortality rate of the four nations. It is likely that this was the result of a combination of failed local restrictions, imposing the firebreak too late and the decision to relax measures more quickly than scientists advised.

Notwithstanding the imposition of circuit breaker restrictions, the decision-making in Northern Ireland was chaotic. Despite having been advised that a six-week intervention was required, the Northern Ireland Executive Committee opted for a four-week circuit breaker, which commenced on 16 October 2020. This ultimately proved inadequate. In the weeks that followed, Executive Committee meetings were deeply divided along political lines and beset by leaks, leading to an incoherent approach in which the circuit breaker restrictions were extended for one week, then lapsed for one week, before being reintroduced for two further weeks – with the one-week lapse in restrictions correlating with a 25% increase in cases.

The number of cases in Scotland in the autumn of 2020 did not reach the peaks experienced in the rest of the UK. By swiftly using stringent, locally targeted measures to deal with outbreaks, case numbers grew much more gradually and the need for a nationwide lockdown in the autumn was avoided.

Although it was not formally identified until December 2020, the more transmissible Alpha variant emerged in Kent during the autumn and drove a rapid rise in cases. The emergence of a more transmissible variant was entirely foreseeable, but all four governments failed to take decisive action in response. Rather than recognising the threat early on and introducing measures to control the virus, the governments continued to press on with plans for relaxing measures over Christmas while cases grew rapidly, only to change course on 19 December when levels of infection became critical. The mistakes of February and March 2020 were repeated – the failure to take sufficiently decisive and robust action in response had created a situation in which a return to lockdown restrictions had once again become unavoidable.

The vaccination rollout and Delta and Omicron variants (Chapters 7 and 8)

In December 2020, the UK was the first country in the world to approve a vaccine and commence a vaccination programme for Covid-19. On 2 December, temporary authorisation was granted by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency for the Pfizer/ BioNTech vaccine and the vaccine rollout commenced on 8 December. Authorisation for the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine swiftly followed on 30 December and the Moderna vaccine on 8 January 2021. This was a remarkable achievement and a decisive turning point in the pandemic.

This development enabled the four governments to take a different approach in their plans to exit their respective lockdowns, balancing the scale of infection against the additional protection from serious illness now being offered by vaccines. Plans were led by data rather than fixed dates and when the Delta variant emerged in March 2021, all four governments sensibly heeded the scientific advice to delay the planned relaxation of restrictions to allow time for the vaccine rollout to progress further. In this respect, the four governments had learned from the experience of earlier lockdowns.

Although the Omicron variant that emerged in the winter of 2021 was a less severe variant, it was much more transmissible and an estimated 5 million people in the UK were infected at the peak of the Omicron wave. Despite the enhanced protection offered by the vaccine rollout, the sheer volume of cases still led to more than 30,000 people dying with Covid-19 in the UK between November 2021 and June 2022. By the time the Omicron variant was identified, all adults had been offered two doses of the vaccine and the programme of booster doses was sensibly accelerated to offer further protection against serious illness and hospitalisation.

The approach of all four governments in the second half of 2021 carried with it an element of risk. The potential for a variant that escaped the immunity conferred by prior infection or by vaccination had been repeatedly identified as the biggest strategic risk. The sheer number of infections demonstrates that, if the vaccines had been less effective or the Omicron variant as severe as previous variants in terms of morbidity and mortality, the consequences would have been disastrous.