Planning applications validated by EDDC week beginning 12 October

Don’t Do As I Do – Do As I Say!

From a correspondent:

Recently, there appears to have been a great deal of hypocrisy embroiled within some national and local circles, with displays of two-facedness, insincerity and deception exhibited by those that we would generally be looking to for reliable clear guidance, direction and advice.

In March this year a senior advisor and political strategist to Boris Johnson became involved in what is now termed ‘The Dominic Cummings Scandal’ by breaching the Government’s lockdown rules and travelling to Durham, when freedom of movement in the UK was restricted in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. The press conference in the rose garden of 10 Downing Street set up to explain his conduct was ‘toe curling’ and this crisis saw a sharp fall in support for the Government and a decline in unity within the country to adhere to the strict lockdown regulations imposed.

The British epidemiologist Neil Ferguson OBE, who specialises in the spread of infectious diseases, resigned in May, after it emerged that a woman had been visiting his house in contravention of lockdown rules!

Catherine Calderwood, the Chief Medical Officer for Scotland, also resigned in April after visiting her holiday house – but more recently, in September, Scottish MP Margaret Ferrier breached Coronavirus rules by travelling after developing Covid-19 symptoms but refuses to resign, excusing her behaviour by claiming ‘she wanted to represent her constituents’ (this could have been done virtually) and claiming Coronavirus made her ‘act out of character’!

Deviating from the Coronavirus theme is the Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government – the Right Honourable MP for Newark, Robert Jenrick, who was involved in controversy when he overruled the Planning Inspectorate and approved a £1 billion luxury housing development for a Conservative party donor, which would have saved the donor’s company £50 million in tax! Even with calls for Jenrick’s resignation for his use of public office for political favours – he still appears regularly on the media explaining to us all how we should be behaving! 

Around 2018 and now much closer to home in East Devon, the residents of Clyst St Mary were made aware of the directives and assertions from the then Chief Executive of Aviva, Mark Wilson, who had written in The Telegraph in 2014 that there should be a halt on building on defenceless flood plains, voicing his personal mantra of ‘Let’s be crystal clear: no defences, no development.’ He acknowledged that flooding is one of the most traumatic events that both families and businesses could face.

Having suffered extensive flooding in the village from repeated severe storms, such strong, influential principles from the Aviva ex-CEO on flood defences were applauded at that time by local residents, in the hope that he had some authoritative ‘sway’ on the substantial development proposals by his company, Aviva, for residential, workplace and community areas at Winslade Park, Clyst St Mary that lay within flood zones!

Fast forward to 2020 and Burrington Estates have now acquired Winslade Park and submitted even greater development proposals for live, work and leisure uses and although some of the plans are supported, many of their proposals are contrary to national and local planning policies. This is somewhat surprising when the Burrington team advertise themselves as experienced property professionals with an amazing track record in building beautifully designed, high specification new homes and properties that harmonise with their location. Burrington Estates’ Chairman, Peter Andrew, has a wealth of industry experience and in–depth understanding, even being awarded an MBE in 2018 for services to construction. He was, in fact, one of the four practitioners who helped draft the National Planning Policy Framework in the past, so one would assume that he and his associates at Burringtons are aware of the protection given against inappropriate development by national and local planning policies?

By claiming to have higher standards than is actually the case in reality, results in a considerable lack of public trust and this was experienced first-hand when Burringtons significantly altered the Winslade Park development proposals from the Public Consultation to the submission of a planning application to EDDC – for example by substituting 14 houses with an incongruous three-storey 59 apartment block (which has now been amended to two/three storey 40-apartment blocks) in close proximity opposite high- graded historic buildings and overlooking existing residents’ properties! The indicative illustrations provided continue to resemble cell blocks or container shipping units and are completely ‘at odds’ with best design practices for development in a rural village community!

Burrington Estates now claim that the entire, vast masterplan will fail and not be financially viable without building the residential elements on green fields and incorporating incongruous three-storey apartment block structures -but why on earth would Burringtons purchase this complicated site, having had a full awareness of the planning history and environmental limitations, if they were not confident of making a profit? Indeed, JLL have consulted in the past for Aviva and now for Burringtons on Winslade Park and they have a wealth of knowledge on real estate and investment management which should have flagged-up the benefits and pitfalls of this site.

As an illustrative example – Would the average person purchase a property that they couldn’t afford, without building a block of apartments or houses in the garden, with the expectation of receiving planning permission for the garden development to enable them to achieve financially viability? Unquestionably No! 

Are Burringtons’ assertions and pronouncements on viability credible or are we again being hoodwinked by those who promote a ‘don’t do as I do – do as I say’ philosophy?

The ‘rules are there to be broken’ pathway, being trodden by some individuals for their own personal gain, has wide-reaching detrimental knock-on effects for so many others in our society. 

The property market’s early warning signs are flashing red – followed by “the perfect storm”.

Isabelle Fraser Property editor 21 October 2020 www.telegraph.co.uk 

House prices are soaring, either up 7.3pc in the last year, according to building society Halifax, or by 5pc if you ask Nationwide. 

But those top-line numbers don’t tell the whole story. In fact, given the market is forecast to fall off a cliff in the not-too-distant future, they are quite misleading.

The frustrating thing for property market watchers is that all these figures tell us what happened a few weeks or even months ago, because of the slow nature of buying a property and the way that data is reported on a lag. Official house price data is always released on a delay, so the “latest” numbers reflect what happened in August. 

To understand what is happening right now, it’s important to look for the signal through the noise.

We must pick up on anecdotal evidence, think laterally and rely on more subtle indicators. At the moment these are far more important – and suggest that the market that defied experts’ expectations is already running out of steam. The early warning signs are now flashing red.

While mortgage approvals may be up – in August, they hit a 13-year high – the sheer lack of low-deposit mortgages available and the increasing credit crunch in the lending market are the more important factors. According to data firm Moneyfacts, the number of mortgages on the market has fallen 57pc since March to 2,259 in October.

It marks a subtle but crucial change to what makes up an “ordinary” homeowner, which will shape the whole property market.

And it is a rising trend among lenders, which are becoming far more risk averse as unemployment rises. Last week the Bank of England warned of a spike in mortgage defaults. 

Now, no high street banks will lend to anyone with less than a 15pc deposit. Many have stopped lending on flats and new-builds. All this will eventually filter through into sales – or lack thereof.

For those who can get mortgages, a spike in demand combined with lenders’ reduced processing capacity means that the waiting time between applications and mortgage offers has more than doubled. Meanwhile, wait times for conveyancers, surveys and valuations have soared, with some refusing to take on new business, leaving transactions in limbo and many unlikely to complete before the stamp duty deadline

There is increasing anecdotal evidence that this is causing deals to fall through, as chains break down and buyers back out. This means that while these theoretical sales have been recorded by the likes of property website Zoopla and fed into their calculations, they may not take place. 

It’s also important to understand what the indices are telling you – and where in the buying process they come. Rightmove, the property website, records asking prices; these reflect sellers’ optimism (or pessimism) about the market, and not the actual sale price, which may well be far lower.  

This index also reflect the type of property coming to market. Asking prices are so high right now partly because people are selling bigger homes because they think they can finally shift them after years of sluggish sales, as demand for such properties rises after lockdown.

Another, more unusual way of understanding what is going on in the market is looking at the level of Google searches for “Rightmove”, which is a handy lead indicator for house purchase mortgage approvals.

After weeks of sitting at a level roughly 30pc above that seen in the same period in 2019, these searches have dropped, suggesting that pent-up demand from lockdown and the push to transact before the stamp duty deadline is waning.

It’s important to tune into these signals, and other unusual sources of data, to drown out the noise of the headline figures. Much like an early warning system of an earthquake, you can feel the tremors that are about to strike.

Clarification: The article previously said TSB has stopped offering 40pc mortgages, which was incorrect. Last week the bank temporarily removed some low deposit mortgages from sale via brokers but they are still available in TSB branches.

House price boom could be derailed by ‘perfect storm’ of collapsed sales

By Melissa Lawford 22 October 2020 www.telegraph.co.uk

The property market is being strangled by its own “mini-boom” as logistical delays mean buyers are increasingly pulling out of sales.

The summer surge in buyer demand combined with reduced processing capacity after lockdown means that lenders, local authorities, conveyancers and surveyors are overwhelmed. Sales are at serious risk of being dragged beyond the stamp duty and Help to Buy scheme deadlines at the end of March.

Andrew Boast of SAM Conveyancing solicitors warned that local authority searches that would normally take one to three weeks now often take six weeks. Meanwhile, surveys that before the pandemic could be booked for the following working day now need to be secured up to four weeks in advance. 

Legal & General Mortgage Club now estimates that the average sale takes 15 weeks from start to finish. As many as 200,000 buyers may miss the stamp duty holiday deadline as a result.

Andy Soloman, of Yomdel, a firm that tracks property market sentiment, said the delays mean: “There is a ticking time bomb of withdrawals that will affect the market going forwards.” Fast approaching deadlines mean the market faces a “perfect storm”, he added.

Sales are increasingly falling through

The longer a transaction takes, the more likely it is to fall through, particularly given the pandemic’s effect on job security and changing restrictions, said Mr Boast.

The number of collapsed sales is rising fast. In July, 17pc of agreed sales fell through, according to data from property website Rightmove. The number has been rising steadily. So far in October to date, the share has jumped seven percentage points to 24pc – effectively one in four sales.

This means that many of the sales that have been boosting house price indexes based on agreed prices or mortgage approval data, may simply never happen.

The number of failed sales is still marginally down on October 2019, when 25pc of agreed deals fell through, but the boom in demand as buyers rush to transact after lockdown and the stamp duty holiday makes it surprising that the numbers are comparable.

Sellers in particular are keen to press ahead with sales because they have agreed such high sale prices for their homes, said Mr Boast.

Buyers need to meet tight deadlines

But buyers need things to move quickly. Sam Richards, 27, put an offer of £358,000 in on a flat in east London on December 23 2019. After nine months of delays, he has finally pulled out.

First, the transaction was suspended by lockdown. Then when the market reopened, the purchase was held up by a discrepancy between the leasehold and the freehold plan. The seller booked a survey in July, but the council never updated their files.

“First the guy who could do it was away, then there was no answer for the whole of August, and September,” said Mr Richards, who asked to speak using a different name.

“I was the bottom rung of a nine person chain and someone was having a baby,” said Mr Richards. “I think the seller is considering legal action against the council.”

Mr Richards has now had an offer of £322,500 accepted on a two-bedroom flat in a different east London borough. Now the agent has told him the local authority search will take 55 days.

Mr Richards plans to go ahead because he expects the delays to only get worse ahead of the stamp duty deadline at the end of March.

If he transacts before the deadline, he will save more than £6,000. If he misses it, he plans to “negotiate the price down by the tax difference”.

There will be a vacuum of buyers in April

Other buyers may not be able to transact at all. After the deadline for the stamp duty discount has passed, “there will be a large number of purchasers who will not continue with their transactions because they can’t afford to,” said Mr Boast.

Entry-level buyers face a double hit. The Help to Buy equity loan scheme also ends in March. 

“Developers have a mad rush to get their stock sold before the funding is pulled,” said Mr Boast.

For the last three months, solicitors have been adding clauses into contracts for purchases on the Help to Buy scheme that caveat that the buyer is not liable to complete the transaction if it cannot be done in time to be eligible for the equity loan funding, he added.

Help to Buy’s replacement, which launches in April with a system of regional price caps and which will be open only to first-time buyers, means that nearly 40pc of the buyers who currently buy under the scheme will no longer be eligible, according to the Home Builders Federation, a trade association.

The change will hit the market harder because buyers are increasingly dependent on the scheme. Before the pandemic, 35pc to 45pc of new build sales were made using the equity loan scheme, according to HBF. Since lenders withdrew low deposit mortgages en masse, that share has jumped closer to 55pc.

Stagnation lies ahead

Restrictions in lending also mean the housing market now is more vulnerable to failed sales. Homemovers have overtaken first-time buyers as the most dominant buyer group, according to property website Zoopla.

Neal Hudson, of BuiltPlace housing analysts, said the shift means that more transactions involve buying chains, which are more exposed to delays.

After the rush before the tax deadline, analysts have predicted stagnation as the market grapples with rising unemployment. Hamptons International and Savills have both forecast zero house price growth in 2021. The Centre of Economics and Business Research has forecast a 13.8pc drop.

Health hub, Marc Jobson: We don’t know everything

In his latest column, Budleigh health and wellbeing hub manager Marc Jobson is urging people to help guide how they move forward

[Does this mean what they are doing isn’t working? – Owl]

MARC JOBSON www.exmouthjournal.co.uk

The Budleigh Hub operates in Woodbury, Exmouth, Budleigh and surrounding villages helping those communities to live longer, healthier lives.

We have been running exercise classes for all abilities, bringing isolated and lonely people together and sharing best practice with local organisations and charities for over three years.

We like to think we know what we are doing.

But the truth is we don’t.

We can try and get inside the head of someone who hasn’t talked to anyone for over a week because their relatives live elsewhere and their neighbours are busy living their own lives to worry about theirs.

We can try and understand what it is like to live alone.

We can try and imagine how it feels to fall regularly because your muscles are wasting away.

We can try, but don’t really know.

That is why we are asking for your insight and experiences to guide how we move forward to help our community.

What practical help can we offer you? How can we help your neighbour? What would make your relative to live a better, fulfilled, healthier life?

Throughout November we will be listening to what you what you have to say.

These conversations will shape our services accordingly in future.

Come and tell us at our engagement event at Budleigh Town Hall on the morning of November 4, email budleigh@westbank.org.uk or call 446896 with your thoughts.

Be part of the future.

Revealed: how elderly paid price of protecting NHS from Covid-19

In the absence of any formal inquiry into how the epidemic was handled we have to rely on reporting such as this. It’s a long read – Owl

Insight | George Arbuthnott, Jonathan Calvert, Shanti Das, Andrew Gregory and George Greenwood www.thetimes.co.uk

On the day Boris Johnson was admitted to hospital with Covid-19, Vivien Morrison received a phone call from a doctor at East Surrey Hospital in Redhill. Stricken by the virus, her father, Raymond Austin, had taken a decisive turn for the worse. The spritely grandfather, who still worked as a computer analyst at the age of 82, was not expected to survive the day. His oxygen levels had fallen to 70% rather than the normally healthy levels of at least 94%.

Vivien says she was told by the doctor that her father would not be given intensive care treatment or mechanical ventilation because he “ticked too many boxes” under the guidelines the hospital was using. His age, sex, high blood pressure and diabetes would all have counted against him under the advice circulating at the time. His family fear the hospital was in effect rationing healthcare while infection levels approached a peak. “He was written off,” she said.

Unusually, Vivien and her sister were allowed to visit their father one last time, provided they did so at their own risk, wore personal protective equipment (PPE) and scrubbed down afterwards.

What they saw horrified them. Vivien described it as a “death ward” for the elderly in a complaint she later made to the hospital. Inside, were eight elderly men infected with the virus who she describes as “the living dead”. As they lay “half-naked in nappies” in stifling heat, it was like a “war scene”.

While the sisters sat by their father, the man in the next bed died alone. They found an auxiliary nurse in tears outside the ward. “We said, ‘Are you all right? What’s the matter?’ And she just said: ‘They’re all going to die and no one is doing anything about it.’”

Their father died later that day without being given the option of intensive care, which the family believes might have saved him. They fear he was a victim of triaging guidelines that prevented many elderly patients from being given the care they would have received before the pandemic’s peak.

An Insight investigation can today reveal that thousands more elderly people like Raymond were denied potentially life-saving treatment to stop the health service being overrun — contrary to the claims of ministers and NHS executives.

The distressing and largely untold story of the lockdown weeks is how the NHS was placed in the impossible position of having to cope with an unmanageable deluge of patients. Despite warnings the prime minister had procrastinated for nine days before bringing in the lockdown and during this time the number of infections had rocketed from an estimated 200,000 to 1.5 million.

It meant Britain had more infections than any other European country when they took the same drastic decision, as well as fewer intensive care beds than many. Before the pandemic hit, the UK had just 6.6 intensive care beds per 100,000 people, fewer than Cyprus and Latvia, half the number in Italy and about a fifth of that in Germany, which had 29.2.

As a result, the government, the NHS and many doctors were forced into taking controversial decisions — choosing which lives to save, which patients to treat and who to prioritise — in order to protect hospitals. In particular, they took unprecedented steps to keep large numbers of elderly and frail patients out of hospital and the intensive care wards so as to avoid being overwhelmed.

In effect, they pushed the problem into the community and care homes, where the scale of the resulting national disaster was less noticeable. Downing Street was anxious that British hospitals should not be visibly overrun as they had been in Italy, Spain and China, where patients in the city of Wuhan were photographed dying in corridors.

During this time, a veil of secrecy was placed over the hospitals, and the government would emerge from the crisis of those early spring months to claim complete success in achieving its objective. “Throughout this crisis, we have protected our NHS, ensuring that everybody who needed care was able to get that care,” the health secretary, Matt Hancock, proudly declared in an email to Conservative supporters in July. “At no point was the NHS overwhelmed, and everyone who needed care had access to that care.”

But could this claim be true?

They ran out of body bags

As part of a three-month investigation into the government’s handling of the crisis during the lockdown weeks, we have spoken to more than 50 witnesses, including doctors, paramedics, bereaved families, charities, care home workers, politicians and advisers to the government. Our inquiries have unearthed new documents and previously unpublished hospital data. Together, they show what happened while most of the country stayed at home.

There were 59,000 extra deaths in England and Wales compared with previous years during the first six months of the pandemic. This consisted of 26,000 excess fatalities in care homes and another 25,000 in people’s own homes.

Surprisingly, only 8,000 of those excess deaths were in hospital, even though 30,000 people died from the virus on the wards. This shows that many deaths that would normally have taken place in hospital had been displaced to people’s homes and the care homes.

This huge increase of deaths outside hospitals was a mixture of coronavirus cases — many of whom were never tested — and people who were not given treatment for other conditions that they would have had access to in normal times. Ambulance and admission teams were told to be more selective about who should be taken into hospital, with specific instructions to exclude many elderly people. GPs were asked to identify frail patients who were to be left at home even if they were seriously ill with the virus.

In some regions, care home residents dying of Covid-19 were denied access to hospitals even though their families believed their lives could have been saved.

The sheer scale of the resulting body count that piled up in the nation’s homes meant special body retrieval teams had to be formed by police and fire brigade to transfer corpses from houses to mortuaries. Some are said to have run out of body bags.

NHS data obtained by Insight shows that access to potentially life-saving intensive care was not made available to the vast majority of people who died with the virus. Only one in six Covid-19 patients who lost their lives in hospital during the first wave had been given intensive care. This suggests that of the 47,000 people who died of the virus inside and outside hospitals, just an estimated 5,000 — one in nine — received the highest critical care, despite the government claiming that intensive care capacity was never breached.

The young were favoured over the old, who made up the vast majority of the deaths. The chief medical officer, Chris Whitty, commissioned an age-based frailty score system that was circulated for consultation in the health service as a potential “triage tool” at the beginning of the crisis. It was never formally published.

It gave instructions that in the event of the NHS being overwhelmed, patients over the age of 80 should be denied access to intensive care and in effect excluded many people over the age of 60 from life-saving treatment. Testimony by doctors has confirmed that the tool was used by medics to prevent elderly patients blocking up intensive care beds.

Indeed, new data from the NHS shows that the proportion of over-60s with the coronavirus who received intensive care halved between the middle of March and the end of April as the pressure weighed heavily on hospitals during the height of the pandemic. The proportion of the elderly being admitted then increased again when the pressure was lifted off the NHS as Covid-19 cases fell in the summer months.

The government’s failure to properly equip the NHS with adequate PPE or testing equipment made an impossible job even harder. Not only were doctors and nurses overrun with patients, but they themselves were exposed to the virus, and the lack of testing meant that thousands had to spend time isolating at home, as they did not know if they were infected. It left hospitals dangerously understaffed.

All the while, seven Nightingale hospitals — in London, Manchester, Harrogate, Bristol, Birmingham, Exeter and Sunderland — stood mostly empty, suffering from the same shortage of intensive care staff. Those vacant beds would be used by the government to make the claim that the NHS was never overwhelmed.

Dr Rinesh Parmar, chairman of the Doctors’ Association UK, which represents frontline NHS medics, said his members had reported that many dying patients had been deprived of access to care they would have normally received at the beginning of the pandemic.

“In reality, the late lockdown allowed far more infections to spread across the country than the NHS had the capacity to cope with,” he said. “It left dedicated NHS staff in the invidious position of having to tell many critically unwell patients who needed life-saving treatment that they would not receive that treatment. Those staff will be mentally scarred for a long time as a result. They dedicate their lives to caring for people and never expected to be left in such a situation.”

Dr Chaand Nagpaul, chairman of the British Medical Association (BMA), said: “It is manifestly the case that large numbers of patients did not receive the care that they needed, and that’s because the health service didn’t have the resources. It didn’t have the infrastructure to cope during the first peak.”

The Doctors’ Association and the BMA believe there should have been an independent inquiry into the handling of the pandemic by the government so that its lessons could be applied to the second spike, which is rising fast.

Parmar added: “Without learning from this, the government appears to be repeating the same mistakes by overruling its own scientific and medical advisers, failing to take action and knowingly walking into another disaster in this second wave of the pandemic with its eyes wide open.”

‘Critical incident’ declared

In the week before the lockdown, the pandemic had hit the NHS in London — the first hotspot for the virus — like a hurricane. Despite the warnings about the threat, the government had not provided hospitals with sufficient PPE and its decision to stop contact tracing blindsided the NHS as to where and when the first wave would crash down.

The answer came on Thursday, March 19, when Northwick Park Hospital in Harrow, northwest London, declared a “critical incident”. Cases had been building at the hospital since it had been designated as the screening centre for people with Covid symptoms arriving at Heathrow.

But the population in the surrounding boroughs served by the hospital was already badly affected by the contagion. Hundreds came to the hospital seeking treatment for the virus in a fortnight and more than 30 people died in the area from infections that week alone. It meant Northwick Park had more patients than it could cope with and it began shipping them out to the surrounding hospitals.

The incident was a demonstration of how harrowing and time-consuming it would be for NHS staff to treat large numbers of patients. Nursing staff would have to sit holding the hands of dying patients in plastic gloves because their relatives were not allowed onto the wards.

Drastic measures were needed to keep the numbers down in hospitals so that clinicians could deal with the first wave of cases, which had come significantly earlier than the government had anticipated. In the last week of March, the numbers of daily deaths from Covid-19 in the capital hit triple figures and would surge even higher.

The London Ambulance Service had prepared by increasing the threshold for the severity of symptoms that a coronavirus patient would have to typically exhibit before they would be taken to hospital. The service uses a simple chart called News2, which scores each of a patient’s vital signs and gives marks on breathing rate, oxygen saturation, temperature, blood pressure, pulse rate and level of consciousness. Abnormal indications are given a higher mark. A score of five is usually sufficient for a patient to be taken to hospital.

However, on March 12 that threshold score was increased to six. “I believe it was changed because of the volume of calls and the capacity issues,” one London ambulance paramedic explained. “There were so many people to go to. There was just a period before the lockdown where no one really knew how to deal with it.” As a result, many seriously ill people were left in their homes — a policy that was dangerously selective, according to medics.

Dr Jon Cardy, a former clinical director of accident and emergency at West Suffolk Hospital, said that in normal times patients would often be referred for critical care if they scored just five on News2. “If I had a patient with an early warning score of six ,” he went on, “I’d be saying: ‘This person certainly needs hospital treatment.’ You can’t leave them at home with a cylinder of oxygen and a drip. They could easily deteriorate into multiorgan failure.”

Indeed, for many people in the initial deluge of cases, it was too late by the time their condition was deemed so serious that a paramedic team was rushed out to them. Shortness of breath was one of the key criteria for taking people to hospital, but many suffered a condition known as “happy hypoxia”. Their oxygen levels would drop dangerously without them noticing.

These people often suffered heart attacks before an ambulance could reach them — and they would not necessarily receive quick treatment because in London the average call out time for an ambulance almost trebled to more than an hour in late March.

An ambulance clinician in south London at the time said: “I saw a lot of Covid deaths in people’s homes. Too many. The critical care paramedics on call would just go from cardiac arrest to arrest to arrest. They were seeing five, six, seven of those patients a day, back to back, in their areas.”

The guidance was then changed on April 10 to advise that people scoring between three and five should be taken into hospital for assessment. The paramedic said it was changed because too many patients who needed urgent care “were just being left at home”.

Deaths from heart problems doubled compared with previous years during those early weeks of lockdown, according to figures from the Office for National Statistics (ONS). An adviser to the Cabinet Office said mortuary staff were shocked by the number of bodies being delivered from homes by special recovery teams that had been set up to handle the surging body count.

“The staff were seriously questioning why so many deaths were taking place at home,” the source said. “We did not explain to the public that this was the delicate balancing act — we’ve reduced the likelihood of getting an ambulance but we’ve increased the response teams to pick up bodies in people’s homes.”

Patients cleared out

In the last weeks of March, the hospitals were in the process of clearing out patients at the government’s request in readiness for the expected big surge in infections in early April. Sir Simon Stevens, the NHS chief executive, wrote to health trust chief executives outlining plans to free up a third of the UK’s 100,000 hospital beds.

His letter said he had been advised by Whitty and the government’s scientific advisory group for emergencies (Sage) that the NHS would come under “intense pressure” at the peak of the outbreak.

He asked hospitals to assume that they would need to postpone all non-urgent operations by mid-April or earlier, which would save 15,000 beds, and ordered that 15,000 “medically fit” patients should be ejected from the beds and found places in the community.

The health secretary presented emergency legislation to parliament that week to slash “administrative requirements” to help facilitate the mass discharge.

As hospitals continued to fill, the prime minister held a brainstorming session on the phone with his director of communications, Lee Cain, and key advisers from the general election and the Vote Leave campaign to create a new slogan for its fight against the virus. They came up with the words “Stay at home, save lives”, and “protect the NHS” — a key policy from the Conservatives’ successful election campaign — was suggested.

The now familiar slogan “Stay at home, protect the NHS, save lives” was launched at a Downing Street press conference by the prime minister the following day, Friday, March 20. Later, it would be heavily criticised because it could be read as a simple instruction telling everyone to keep out of hospital to preserve the NHS.

This was, after all, a key government objective, especially when it came to intensive care beds. That day, a meeting of the government’s moral and ethical advisory group (Meag) was told that Whitty’s office had been working with a senior clinicians group to devise ways to “manage increased pressure on staff and resources” caused by Covid-19. He wanted advice on the ethics of selecting who should be given intensive care treatment — and who should not.

It was total anarchy

The evening of March 23 was an extraordinary moment in the nation’s history. The prime minister had been at his most headmasterly when he sombrely announced from his antique desk in Downing Street: “From this evening I must give the British people a very simple instruction — you must stay at home.”

Two days later, Whitty dialled into an important meeting. He had asked the members of Meag, who include academics, medics and faith leaders, to consider a controversial document that had been prepared in response to his request for ethical guidance on how to select which patients should be given intensive care in the pandemic.

The document — obtained by Insight — is highly sensitive because it recommended giving a score to patients based on age, frailty and underlying conditions, to see whether they should be selected for critical care. It was intended to be used as a triage tool by doctors, and the initial version under consideration that day effectively advised that many elderly people — who were the vast majority of patients being treated for serious infections of Covid-19 — should not be given intensive care treatment.

Since any total over eight meant a patient would be given ward-based treatment only, the over-80s were automatically excluded from critical care because they were allocated a score of nine points for their age alone. Most people over 75 would also be marked over the eight- point threshold when their age and frailty scores were added together. People from 60 upwards could also be denied critical care if they were frail and had an underlying health condition.

The document — headed “Covid-19 triage score: sum of 3 domains” — had been created the previous weekend by Mark Griffiths, a professor of critical care medicine at Imperial College London, after Whitty’s request to Meag. The professor has declined to discuss the document.

Twenty members of Meag attended the meeting, with Whitty acting as an observer. Some of those present expressed concern about the use of age as an “isolated indicator of wellbeing” and questioned whether such selection might cause distress to patients and their families. One member later expressed their outrage that the triage tool discriminated against the weak and disabled.

A second version of the document, entitled the “Covid-19 decision support tool”, was also drawn up and circulated in the days after the meeting. This raised the score for specific illnesses, but lowered the marks given for age.

It was still effectively advising that anyone over the age of 80 who was not at the peak of health and fitness should be denied access to intensive care — as would anyone over 75 years old who was coping well with an underlying illness. A source says a version of this document with the NHS logo was prepared for ministers for consideration on Saturday, March 28.

According to Professor Jonathan Montgomery, Meag’s co-chairman, the documents were not formally approved or published at the time. He said they were designed only to be used if intensive care capacity had been reached — which the NHS says never happened. But Montgomery acknowledged that they had been distributed to doctors and hospitals as part of the consultation process. “We were aware that some of them were looking at that tool and thinking about how they might use it,” he said. “Some of them were using it.”

A source involved in drawing up the triage tool from the Intensive Care Society said it was sent to “a wide population of clinicians” from different hospitals, including specialist respiratory doctors dealing with the most seriously ill Covid-19 patients.

Insight’s research suggests that two versions of the triage tool were in circulation during the height of the pandemic. In late April, the largest health region in Scotland, NHS Highland, even posted a version of the original document, which excluded 80-year-olds, on the patient information section of its website, with its logo emblazoned on it. The only significant change from the original document was that women scored one less point than men.

This was marked as the document’s fifth version, which would be reviewed again in July. NHS Highland now says the publication was “in error” and was not used, but it refuses to explain how it came to be published or which part of the government or health service had passed the document on to it.

Doctors elsewhere in the country have confirmed their hospitals did use the type of age-based system proposed by this government-commissioned triage tool to prevent intensive care beds being filled beyond capacity by the elderly. One doctor said he had been told by other medics the triage tool’s age-based criteria was applied at hospitals in Manchester, Liverpool and London at that time.

The doctor described how the tool was followed so carefully at his large Midlands hospital that dozens of intensive care beds were kept empty in readiness for younger, fitter patients. He said almost all patients in his hospital aged over 75 died in the non-critical care wards without emergency treatment during that period.

If they had been given intensive care, they might have survived. In the few cases in other hospitals where patients over 80 with the virus were given intensive care, 38% survived and were discharged alive during the first wave of the outbreak, according to figures from the Intensive Care National Audit and Research Centre.

April the cruellest month

The death toll from the virus was rising steeply to hundreds each day by the last weekend in March. The lockdown had been a success in its first week by swiftly cutting the rate at which the virus was reproducing, but the large numbers of people who had caught the disease before the measures were introduced meant that April would indeed be the cruellest month.

There were two key places where infections remained high. The Sage committee was seriously concerned about how hospitals were becoming breeding grounds for the virus because of the lack of PPE and insufficient testing capacity to check whether staff were infected.

Many staff were unable to work after contracting the virus and others self-isolated needlessly because they or their family had symptoms that might have been ruled out by a test. NHS staff absence rates were a record 6.2%.

The other place where Covid-19 seemed to be thriving was in the place that was supposed to be sorting out such problems: No 10. As the virus swept through the cramped Georgian building, from the prime minister down, it meant that, as April began, there was a vacuum at the top of government. There were also 13,000 people in hospital with the virus and more than 600 dying each day. It was only going to get worse.

The prime minister was isolated in his flat above No 11 Downing Street with food being left at his door but was still nominally in charge. An ashen-looking Hancock, who had also contracted Covid, returned to work on Thursday, April 2, and made the bold claim that there would be 100,000 virus tests a day by the end of the month. He acknowledged that it has been his decision to prioritise giving the tests available to patients rather than NHS staff. Despite the obvious problems caused by the lack of testing, he claimed: “Public Health England can be incredibly proud of the world beating work they have done so far on testing.”

Age discrimination

While it was always inevitable that the virus-stricken prime minister would be given an intensive care bed, others were not so fortunate. The selection of patients for intensive care was already taking place and the methods being used bore a remarkable similarity to the recommendations in the triage tool that Meag members had discussed a week earlier.

This hidden triaging approach was spotted by two of the country’s leading experts in the critical care field: Dr Claire Shovlin, a respiratory consultant at Hammersmith Hospital and professor of clinical medicine at Imperial College London, and her colleague Dr Marcela Vizcaychipi, an intensive care consultant at Chelsea and Westminster Hospital who lectures in critical care at Imperial.

They were shocked to see that in the first week of April large numbers of people were dying from Covid-19 without being given access to intensive care. They did an analysis of the national figures and set out their concerns in a letter to the Emergency Medicine Journal two weeks later.

Their study showed only a small proportion — less than 10% — of the 3,939 patients who were recorded as having died of Covid-19 by Saturday, April 4, had been given access to intensive care. This was particularly worrying, according to their study, because a separate analysis of those who had survived showed the “crucial importance” of intensive care in providing support for patients “most severely affected by Covid-19”.

When they then compared the numbers of deaths from the virus in the normal wards with the number of intensive care beds said to be available in the UK, they came to a disturbing conclusion. Hospitals not only appeared to be withholding intensive care from patients who might benefit from such treatment, but they were actually being too overzealous and doing so more than was necessary given the available capacity.

This led the two experts to question what criteria the clinicians were using to choose which patients should be denied potentially life-saving treatment. In their study they expressed particular concern about “a Covid-19 decision support tool” that had been “circulating in March”, noting that it used a number of factors that meant men, the old, the frail and those suffering from underlying illnesses were less likely to be admitted to intensive care. Their description exactly mirrors the tool commissioned by Whitty and submitted to Meag.

The medics wrote: “Implementation of such tools could prevent healthy, independent individuals from having an opportunity to benefit from AICU [adult intensive care unit] review/admission by protocolised counting of variables that do not predict whether they would personally benefit from AICU care.”

Their paper concluded: “Current triage criteria are overly restrictive and [we] suggest review. Covid-19 admissions to critical care should be guided by clinical needs regardless of age.” Their study was published on May 4, but the highly selective triaging would continue — and it was already too late for many patients.

Death ward

It was a feature of the darkest weeks of the pandemic that patients would be informed of key life-and-death decisions without their families present, as the wards would be mostly off-limits to visitors because of the risk of infection.

The NHS withdrew into itself as the waves of cases hit the hospitals. It suspended the publication of critical care capacity figures, which meant nobody outside the corridors of power would be able to tell whether hospitals were being overrun, and issued a general ban on information to the media without sign off from central command.

Pressure was also exerted on NHS staff to prevent public disclosure of problems on the wards. Some trusts were alleged to have trawled staff social media accounts and given dressings-down to medics who mentioned PPE shortages or staff deaths. One surgeon working at a hospital in west London said: “There was an active drive by certain trusts to tell doctors to shut up about it because they didn’t want the bad publicity.”

So while most of the UK were hunkered down in their homes, few knew what was actually going on inside the hospitals.

When Vivien and her sister were allowed in to see their father Raymond in East Surrey Hospital they found a red “do not enter” sign emblazoned on the door to his ward and a porter guarding the entrance.

Vivien, a 54-year-old charity volunteer, says the scene was heartbreaking: “To see people just dying, all around you … It was like something out of a Victorian war scene. With nobody doing anything to help them.” Vivien’s sister was furious: “My sister said to one of the nurses, ‘Why are you allowing them to suffer? You wouldn’t treat a dog like this.’”

Their father passed away that day without being taken into intensive care. The family complained to the hospital and received a profusely apologetic letter back written by the health trust’s chief nurse, Jane Dickson, on behalf of the chief executive.

“I want you to know how sorry I am that we let your father down,” she wrote. “We have been reflecting on our initial response to the Covid-19 pandemic and I regret to say there are aspects of our care that we got wrong.” Dickson conceded that “routine tasks of supporting our patients to eat and drink suffered” because staff were “overwhelmed” and there was a shortage of staff with the necessary skills.

The letter stated the clinical team did not think “a more intensive level of care was appropriate given [Raymond’s] level of frailty”. The hospital said later in a statement that he had not been “denied the care he needed”. It added there was sufficient capacity to treat him in intensive care if this had been appropriate.

Raymond’s family find it mystifying that more was not done to get oxygen into his body. “There were other options they could have tried that may or may not have worked,” said Vivien. “But there was not that option. It was just that he wasn’t on the list.”

The family also queried why Raymond or the other patients in his ward were not taken to the Nightingale Hospital in London, which was fully equipped with oxygen and ventilators and was supposed to have a capacity of 4,000 beds — but only ever treated 54 people. “To me [the Nightingale] was like a bit of a smokescreen, a facade, because I don’t understand why they didn’t use it,” said Vivien.

The doctors on the ground say the Nightingale was beset by problems from the start. There was a struggle to recruit adequately trained staff from other hospitals that were already overstretched and medics were reluctant to refer patients because of concerns over the unknown standard of care.

One ambulance clinician who was drafted to work at the Nightingale explained that it was mainly set up to treat “younger patients who were on less respiratory support” and fewer underlying illnesses.

“But, actually, those patients were few and far between and they got prioritised on hospital intensive care units anyway because they were more likely to have a good outcome,” the clinician said. “And actually people who are a bit older or had more comorbidities were the ones we were having those more realistic discussions with.”

The NHS said it had never been the case that Nightingale hospitals were “mainly equipped” for young patients.

A stark contrast

Data obtained by Insight show that many other patients of Raymond’s age were denied access to intensive care at the height of the pandemic. The figures highlight a stark contrast that more than half of those who died of the virus in hospital during the first wave were aged over 80 and yet only 2.5% of patients of this age group were admitted to intensive care.

The data comes from the government’s best monitor of what happened in hospitals during the outbreak. It was collected from 65,000 people who were admitted to hospital with the virus up to the end of May and were analysed by the Covid-19 Clinical Information Network (Co-Cin), which reports to the Sage advisory committee.

The figures show that there was a significant decrease in the proportion of people in England and Wales who had received intensive care before they died as the outbreak progressed. In the two middle weeks of March, 21% of those who died of the virus in hospital had been given intensive care treatment.

Yet as the pressure on the NHS increased through April, the proportion of critically ill patients who received intensive care before they died dropped to just 10% by the beginning of May. However, when the hospitals began dealing with far fewer patients in July, the numbers dramatically increased to 29%.

The main reason for this appears to have been that some hospitals were rationing the numbers of patients over the age of 60 who were given access to intensive care. In the middle weeks of March, 13% of that age group admitted to hospital with the virus were given an intensive care bed. By the start of May, that figure had more than halved and was down at 6%. Once again, as the pressure eased on hospitals in July, this increased back to 11%.

The official version given by ministers and the NHS was that critical care beds were still available throughout the height of the outbreak, which was certainly true for some hospitals in areas less badly hit by the virus.

But we have spoken to a number of doctors who paint a harrowing picture of the extreme choices that were being taken on the wards in virus hotspots in central and southeast England that were overrun with patients needing intensive care. At their request, we have protected their identity because they are afraid their NHS management teams could take disciplinary action against them for speaking out.

A senior intensive care doctor who was working in the same southeast region as the East Surrey Hospital where Austin died confirmed that medics were forced to choose between patients who needed intensive care beds contrary to claims that everyone received the care they required. “I don’t think the public have ever been aware of just how bad things were and indeed how bad things could get again,” she said. “Hospitals had to ration intensive care admittance. I hate to use the word ration, but it’s what was happening.”

She described how by early April her bosses realised that her hospital’s intensive care capacity would quickly be breached if they admitted all the Covid patients who would normally receive that level of care. So they began using the parameters of age, clinical frailty score and co-morbidities to help choose between patients – the same variables recommended by the government-commissioned Covid-19 triage tool.

She said that in normal times those who were very frail would sometimes not be offered invasive ventilation because of their low survival chances and the health complications the procedure can cause. But, she added, what was happening on the Covid wards was very different to that.

“The respiratory physicians and the ward medics were finding this incredibly, incredibly difficult,” she said. “They were having to turn people down for critical care and the respiratory physicians were getting upset, because usually we would give those people a shot.”

The rationing of intensive care to elderly people who would have been given such treatment if there was more capacity was “widespread” within hospitals at the time, she says. “Colleagues in intensive care reached out to me from across the country for support. They were saying, ‘This is going on at my hospital, this is feeling really bad.’”

She and fellow doctors were angered by the government’s positive messages about how the NHS was coping. “Every evening at the [televised media] briefing you just couldn’t recognise anything that they were saying. It was so discordant with what we were seeing. They’d made it all up. It was completely bizarre – picking certain statistics to highlight how well they were doing versus other countries when actually, particularly in London, it was an absolute car crash.”

London bore the initial brunt of the first wave with the highest number of intensive care admissions and the doctors found the extent of the triaging they were forced to do particularly tough. A surgeon working at a hospital in the west of the city said: “A lot of patients who we will in normal times say, ‘Okay, we’ll admit them to intensive care to give them a chance in the knowledge that they might well not make it’ … for those patients that chance was not given.”

This is confirmed by Professor Christina Pagel, director of University College London’s Clinical Operational Research Unit. “There is no doubt that there are people that would have got intensive care at the beginning of March or in June that didn’t get it in April because of capacity,” she said.

By Wednesday April 8, the numbers of people dying of the coronavirus each day exceeded a thousand and hospitals in other areas were beginning to take drastic measures. A senior doctor working in the intensive care wards of one of the major hospitals in the Midlands has described the difficult decisions that were taken.

“We were limited by the capacity, the number of beds we had and the worry that if we filled our intensive care units up with frail, older patients we’d be unable to take the younger patients,” he recalled. “As we got busier, our admission criteria and the people that were being admitted significantly changed to not admitting those that were elderly.”

He said his hospital’s admission criteria was based on a version of the ‘Covid-19 Decision Support Tool’ which had been prepared for ministers on March 28. The management of his NHS trust had sent the tool to medics saying “it had been produced to help guide decision-making regarding admissions to critical care,” he said.

As a result of applying the scores in the tool, he says, “we got to the point where we almost didn’t have anyone in critical care who was over 75. Whereas we had been admitting that age group at the beginning.” But the tool was applied so rigorously that the hospital kept dozens of intensive care beds free that were not used for the over-75s.

The elderly, he says, were not even offered non-invasive ventilation as they were left to die in the non-intensive care wards. As a result, 90% of the hospital’s deaths from the virus happened on the wards and just 10% received intensive care during the height of the pandemic in April.

He admits that his colleagues would often have to tell a “white lie” to patients suggesting it was in their best interests to be cared for on the wards. “But the reality of the situation was actually it was because we were facing multiple admissions of younger, fitter patients at that point, and we just couldn’t accommodate the elderly at the rate that they were coming in.”

But he says it was easier to exclude the elderly from intensive care because the fear of infection meant there were no families visiting who might challenge the decision. “Certainly for some of the fitter 75 year olds we could have taken, we should have taken [into intensive care] and we probably would have done as a result of pressure from families,” he said.

This selective approach continued into May and the elderly were only admitted to intensive care again when patient numbers began to drop in the summer.

The clinician blames the prime minister’s late lockdown for placing doctors in such an invidious position during those months. “We would have had fewer patients admitted in that short period of time so we would have been able to offer the best in terms of intensive care capacity for each and every single one of them.”

Identify the frail

The prime minister was touch and go for a while but was able to return to the ward from intensive care on Thursday April 9. On that day an extraordinary document was distributed by the Buckinghamshire NHS Trust asking clinicians and GPs to urgently “identify all patients who are frail or in the latter stages of life and score them based on their level of frailty”. The purpose was to draw up a list of those who might stay at home when they became seriously ill rather than be taken to hospital.

The document made clear that the move was necessary because intensive care was “expected to far outweigh capacity by several thousand beds over the next few weeks in the southeast region due to Covid-19” and that there was “a limited staff base to look after sick patients in our hospitals.” It said the approach it was setting out was being adopted by clinical commissioning groups across England.

The trust was asking doctors to scour the lists it was providing from registers of care home, palliative, frail and over 80-year-old patients and give them a score. If the patients scored seven on the frailty scale – which was anyone dependent on a carer but “not at risk of dying” – the trust recommended that it would be better that they remained at home rather than be taken into hospital.

The document said that the decision should take into account the patient’s circumstances and family’s wishes when deciding on hospital admission but it was “ultimately a decision for the clinicians involved”. In a statement last week the Buckinghamshire trust said every patient who needed hospital treatment was admitted.

However, this type of selection made some doctors feel uneasy. One GP in Sutton, south London, described how his health authority had made “inappropriate” demands on his practice to contact elderly and frail patients to discuss their future care plans in a way that ruled them out for hospital treatment and told him “we’re going to be analysing the numbers.”

He said the authority had identified dozens of his practice’s patients who would be asked to accept ‘do not resuscitate’ orders or agree that they would forgo hospital care in the future. The health authority instructed him to talk to the patients and log their decisions on a centralised system named Coordinate My Care which ambulance staff could then access to see whether a patient had opted out of hospital care, according to its website.

The doctor said he was “told to get a certain percentage” of patients on the authority’s list “signed up”. In the end, he only contacted a handful because he felt the conversation was “damaging to patient-doctor relationships” and he says his practice was ticked off by the health authority for not fulfilling their instruction.

Similarly difficult conversations appear to have taken place across the country. The Coordinate My Care system has been in operation for ten years but there was a huge increase of 34,000 patients added to its list in the first six months of this year.

Last week, Dr Dino Pardhanani, GP lead for Sutton on behalf of NHS South West London, defended the approach. He said the discussion of future care plans with patients was “established best practice and the Covid-19 outbreak did not change that”.

As the crisis was reaching its height on April 10, Good Friday, NHS England weighed in with its own advice to health authorities setting out the groups of elderly people across the country who it said “should not ordinarily be conveyed to hospital unless authorised by a senior colleague”

The list was very broad. It included all care home residents and patients who had asked not to receive an intravenous drip or to be resuscitated. It effectively suggested that those who had accepted do not resuscitate orders might be denied general hospital care. There was also an exclusion for dementia patients with head injuries and people who had fainted and appeared to have “fully recovered” – but only if they were over the age of 70.

The advice was withdrawn in just four days after there was an angry backlash. Martin Vernon, the NHS’s former national clinical director for older people, said it had been a “flagrant breach” of equality laws. “It seemed to suggest that people in care homes and older people generally have less value, and therefore it’s quite reasonable to exclude them from the normal pathway of care,” he said.

An NHS statement said the advice had been brought in to make sure that ambulance crews consulted with senior control room colleagues about whether patients could be more safely treated outside of hospital.

But there was no doubt that the measures to protect the NHS did have a significant effect. Just 10% of the 4,000 Covid deaths registered in the last week of March and first week of April occurred outside hospitals, according to figures from the ONS. Yet in the fortnight spanning the end of April and beginning of May, some 45% of the 14,000 people who died of the virus had not been taken into hospital.

They were people like Brian Noon, a “fit and strong” 76-year-old RAF veteran, who had tested positive for the virus after attending the A&E department at the Lancaster Royal infirmary on Good Friday.

The hospital sent Noon home and arrangements were made for him to be checked twice a day by a rapid response nursing team who were already visiting to monitor his terminally ill wife, Desley, 77. On Easter Sunday, his daughter Kerry says she spoke to one of the nurses and was told she needed to talk to him about agreeing to a “do not resuscitate” order. The nurse warned, Kerry says, that an ambulance would refuse to take him to hospital if he did not have such an order in place.

The family initially decided not to discuss the issue with Noon because he had a “fear of death” and it might upset him. The next day the nurse returned to say their father would no longer be sent to hospital if his condition worsened. “It was not a discussion,” his eldest daughter Maria said. “We were told there had been a change to the plan and dad wouldn’t be going to hospital.”

They were not aware at the time just how sick their father had become. It was only weeks later that they were shown the rapid response team’s logs which recorded a plummet in his oxygen from 91% on Easter Sunday to 79% the following Tuesday.

The guidance from the British Thoracic Society is that oxygen levels below 94% are abnormal and require assessment for urgent treatment. However, his nursing team had repeatedly written “oxygen therapy not required” in his records and despite his desperate condition noted that “no further escalation [of treatment] is intended or considered appropriate”.

His oxygen levels had dropped to 44% when he died on Wednesday April 15. His family were left in the dark as to why he was not given the treatment he required. His GP told them that “vulnerability scores” were being used by the health service in the area but it is not known whether Noon was assessed in this way.

If they had applied the Covid-19 Triage Tool seen by Insight, Noon would have been excluded from intensive care because of his age, frailty and diabetes. The family now wants a full explanation.

“Dad did not receive timely and crucial medical care and as a direct result, he died a horrific and excruciatingly painful death,” said Maria. “We feel like Dad’s been murdered. They were killing off the elderly and the vulnerable. If you’re elderly, don’t you need more care, don’t you need more compassion?”

Dr Shahedal Bari, medical director of University Hospitals of Morecambe Bay NHS Foundation Trust, which was responsible for Noon’s care, said it was “working with the family to answer all of their questions”.

Ultimately thousands of frail and elderly people across Britain died at home without hospital treatment. Caroline Abrahams, director of the charity Age UK, has accused the government of being too fearful of the “endless news coverage of people dying outside in hospital corridors or banked up in ambulances” and alleges that older people were “considered dispensable” as a result. “The lack of empathy and humanity was chilling. It was ageism laid bare and it had tragic consequences,” she said.

Carnage in care homes

The discharge of up to 25,000 hospital patients into care homes during the pandemic’s height was becoming a highly controversial move. By Friday April 17 there had been almost 10,000 excess deaths in the homes and yet the policy of allowing patients to be transferred into them without first being tested for the virus had only ceased the day before.

Indeed hundreds of patients were also being sent to homes even though they had tested positive. In response to a request from the department of health to make more beds free in hospital, councils such as Bradford instructed the care home sector to bear the responsibility for looking after hospital patients for the duration of their illness.

Such policies wreaked havoc in the homes where staff had even less protective equipment than the hospitals and would often spread the virus as they worked shifts in different premises. A third of all care homes declared a coronavirus outbreak, with more than 1,000 homes dealing with positive cases during the peak of infections in April, according to the National Audit Office. During the three months of the first wave of the pandemic, 26,500 more people died in care homes than normal.

Many of those who died were simply refused care. David Crabtree, an owner of two care homes in West Yorkshire, is angry about the way many of his residents were left to die and were denied access to hospital.

A hospital patient had been forcibly discharged back into one of his homes without a test and developed symptoms for Covid-19 at the beginning of April. As the patient’s condition deteriorated, the home called an ambulance but a clinician on the end of the phone refused to send one.“We were told there was a restriction on beds and to treat as end of life,” Crabtree said. The resident died a few days later in the second week of April.

The single infection had already spread quickly to others in the home. In the days that followed a total of seven more residents died from the virus and not one was admitted to hospital. “I couldn’t believe what we were being told,” he said, “they were denying people because of age.”

But in the middle of the month, the policy of the hospital changed and infected residents were admitted. “The peak dropped so I don’t think there was pressure on beds. After April 15 we were able to get people into hospital.” He said five infected residents from his home were admitted to hospital at the end of the month and they all survived — raising the question as to whether the other eight would have still been alive if only they had been treated.

An Amnesty International report published this month found that the numbers of care home residents admitted to hospital decreased substantially during the pandemic, with 11,800 fewer admissions during March and April in England compared to previous years.

Medics have also described how the care home sector was left to fend for itself. An intensive care doctor in the Midlands said: “I can’t remember seeing anybody from a care home who had tested positive who was brought into hospital, not a single one.”

Turned away

At Johnson’s first prime minister’s questions in the Commons on Wednesday May 6 after his return to work the previous week, he conceded that there had been a tragedy in the care homes. “There is an epidemic going on in care homes, which is something I bitterly regret,” he said.

However, there were still very sick people who were being turned away from hospitals. Betty Grove, 78-year-old grandmother from Walthamstow, northeast London fell ill at the end of April with a cough and low oxygen levels and went to Whipps Cross Hospital in east London on the advice of her GP.

The hospital found she had pneumonia and a collapsed lung and, yet, still sent her home four hours later because, according to her daughter Donna, they feared she might become infected with Covid-19. She may well have already had the virus, especially given her symptoms. But, Donna says the hospital refused to test her mother because they would have to admit her to do so. It was a Catch-22.

Over the next ten days, Betty, a retired Co-op worker of 25 years, “grew weaker” and began struggling for breath. Donna says she called her local trust’s rapid response team repeatedly — sometimes twice a day — asking for help for her mother. “I was insisting that they needed to come out and check her,” she said.

Betty died at home of pneumonia on May 15. Her family believes she would have survived if she had been admitted when she first went to hospital. Barts Health NHS Trust has since apologised to the family for Grove’s treatment and launched an internal investigation.

Donna said: “I get that they did have enough on their plate. They had Covid … but it doesn’t mean to say they can push these people aside and just let them go home to die.”

Tragic delay

The first wave’s death toll left tens of thousands of families across the country in mourning. But for many that sadness has turned to anger as they have learned more about how their loved ones died and question whether they could have been saved with better medical care.

The families who spoke to this newspaper have great sympathy with NHS staff who worked night and day risking their own lives while isolating themselves away from their own families. More than 600 health service staff have themselves died from Covid-19. A mental health crisis is now feared within the NHS because of the emotional strain of being forced into making so many harrowing life and death decisions.

Instead the focus of the relatives has fallen on the government whose late lockdown allowed so many to become infected. More than 2,000 families have formed the Covid-19 Bereaved Families for Justice UK group and in the summer they wrote to the prime minister and the health secretary demanding an immediate statutory inquiry into their handling of the pandemic. They asked to meet Johnson and Hancock to put their questions in person. Both requests have been refused by the government’s lawyers.

Elkan Abrahamson, the human rights lawyer representing the group, said the families are driven by a desire to prevent more unnecessary deaths during this second wave of the pandemic. But, he added, the government’s legal department had “clearly been told to ferociously fight any attempt to elicit the truth about the first wave”.

The government’s reponse

In response to this article, a statement for the Department of Heath said:“From the outset we have done everything possible to protect the public and save lives.

“Patients will always receive the best possible care from the NHS and the claim that intensive care beds were rationed or that patients were prevented from receiving necessary care is false. Doctors make decisions on who will benefit from care every day, as part of normal clinical decision-making.

“Since the beginning of this pandemic we have prioritised testing for health and care workers and continuously supplied PPE to the frontline, delivering over 4.2 billion items to date. We have been doing everything we can to protect care home residents including regular testing and ring-fencing over £1.1billion to prevent infections within and between care settings.”

Professor Stephen Powis, NHS national medical director, also issued a statment saying that the health service “cared for more than 110,000 severely ill hospitalised Covid patients during the first wave of the pandemic” and older patients had “disproportionately received NHS care – over two thirds of our Covid inpatients were aged over 65.”

He said: “The NHS repeatedly instructed staff that no patient who could benefit from treatment should be denied it and, thanks to people following Government guidance, even at the height of the pandemic there was no shortage of ventilators and intensive care.

“We know that some patients were reluctant to seek help, which is why right from the start of the pandemic the NHS has urged anyone who is worried about their own symptoms or those of a loved one to come forward for help.”

In 40 years of reporting I’ve never known such a wretched absence of leadership

Only a fool or one blinded by prejudice would demand infallible judgment during an almost — if not entirely — unimaginable crisis. But is it too much to ask our leaders to treat people as adults, and to grow up themselves?

John Pienaar www.thetimes.co.uk 

“Don’t you find it hard to stay impartial?” I get asked that a lot, and it’s a fair question when you’re a guest in someone’s home, as we radio presenters are when listeners tune in. More frequently now, it’s: “How do you think the government’s doing?”

The first one’s easy. Neutrality is not hard at all. It’s a habit I’ve grown used to since I was a green young political reporter and Margaret Thatcher was a fresh-faced prime minister who began as an embarrassingly wooden performer in the House of Commons and went on to define authority, conviction and resolve in her own image. It doesn’t always work out that way.

My second answer, consistent with the first, is that in 40 years of reporting and broadcasting about politics, daily and most weekends, I’ve never known a time when rational, mature leadership has been more needed and yet been so wretchedly absent.

Not since John Major’s election victory in April 1992 and, five months later, the calamitous sterling crisis on Black Wednesday has so much trust in the government gone gurgling down the pan so quickly. Then it was terminal for the Conservative Party; not so for the country. Now it’s awful for everyone, it’s unbearable for many and it may come to define Boris Johnson’s administration as hopelessly unfit.

Only a fool or one blinded by prejudice would demand infallible judgment during an almost — if not entirely — unimaginable crisis. But is it too much to ask our leaders to treat people as adults, and to grow up themselves?

Everyone can judge who was grandstanding in last week’s face-off between Downing Street and Greater Manchester’s mayor, Andy Burnham. Millions of people with everything to lose were caught in the completely unnecessary political crossfire, and who needed that? For the sake of £5m.

With the best will in the world, since that bold first plan to weather the economic shock, has there been any clear sense that Johnson and his team have much of a clue how to handle the pandemic? Much, that is, beyond a drip-feed of evasive answers to reasonable questions, and tottering from day to day in search of new slogans and implausible gimmicks (such as Covid marshals and a “Moonshot” test-and-tracing plan even better than the “world-beating” one we have already). And occasionally seeking someone else to blame. Anyone. Maybe all of us.

True, it’s easy to call on ministers to own up to faults. Much harder to do. Any admission of error will always be stuffed back up that minister’s nose faster and harder than a swab in a Covid test. Perhaps we could all do with growing up a little where that’s concerned.

Team Johnson’s guiding strategy seems to be to continue fighting an election campaign he — and it — won emphatically 10 months ago. Only now the campaigning is being conducted so badly, it’s baffling. And as for Labour, Keir Starmer sometimes seems so afraid of losing an election still four years off, he’s wary of saying anything.

We’ve never been better informed and still left so clueless. Intricate, multicoloured charts decorate the newspaper front pages and news websites. They chart the virus, unemployment and public debt, and they come with thousands of words of high-octane expert analysis. Professors seem as familiar as contestants on Strictly Come Dancing.

Yet our future, our direction as a country, our place in the world, is anyone’s guess.

According to a survey reported last week, millennials now have less faith in democratic institutions than their parents or grandparents did at the same age. Ask people who’s the most persuasive and convincing voice for social justice today, and they’ll probably say Manchester United’s Marcus Rashford.

Today’s Conservative and Unionist Party looks to many lifelong Tories neither very Conservative nor especially unionist. I know of one of the most senior and prominent figures in the Better Together campaign of 2014 on Scottish independence, who is now privately convinced that the Union is lost.

If he’s right — and the latest polls suggest he may be — the government’s handling and mishandling of the pandemic is part of the reason. Another is Brexit.

We may or may not finally depart from the EU at the end of the transition period on December 31 with a trade deal. The former European Commission president José Manuel Barroso predicted to me on Times Radio that we will get an agreement, after a little more “theatre”. I’m willing to bet that he’s right.

But it’s maybe just as worrying that the prime minister gives a convincing impression of not much caring whether there is a trade deal or not. Like many of my age and younger, I was taught to think of Britain as a trading nation. I’ve always assumed the Conservative Party instinctively regards itself as the party of business.

How odd, then, to see business leaders invited to a Brexit briefing call with Johnson last week that left many of them convinced he was preparing to blame them for the failures and disruption of a disorderly Brexit that has not occurred and that he has the power to avoid.

At Westminster the audible whisper for weeks has been about Johnson’s lost “mojo” — even speculation that he may choose to call time on his premiership sooner rather than later. He attributed this chatter to malicious, embittered remainers. He’s wrong. The prime minister consults his chief adviser, Dominic Cummings, about the mood of his MPs and the public. He’d probably learn more if he consulted his MPs and the public about his chief adviser.

Things could improve. There may be a Covid vaccine. Maybe even sooner than expected. The chairwoman of the UK’s vaccine taskforce, Kate Bingham, suggested to me it might — just might — pass its safety tests by the end of the year, though early 2021 was more likely.

The prime minister may rediscover his brio. And there may well be a Brexit deal, despite Johnson’s seeming insouciance on the subject. According to a Bloomberg report last week, EU leaders took a decision to help the prime minister out by depicting the outcome as a triumph of his leadership and negotiating skill. Johnson is known to enjoy a joke, sometimes at inappropriate moments. Yet I doubt he’d appreciate the irony of that.

Of course, it is possible that this crisis might have been handled worse. But, if I’m being perfectly honest, I can’t immediately see how that might have been accomplished.

John Pienaar is a Times Radio presenter

Top children’s doctors attack Tories over free school meals

The 322 MPs who voted against the labour motion last week need to do the maths: more than £6,000 a day for consultants on a failing test-and-trace system versus £15 a week for food vouchers; £522m for the “eat out to help out“ scheme, subsidising those who can afford restaurant meals, versus £24m to feed children who can’t. 

We know they included Simon Jupp but Neil Parish has yet to tell us how he would have voted had he not been absent . Is this another “massive mistake”?- Owl

Donna Ferguson www.theguardian.com 

Thousands of Britain’s top child-health specialists have joined forces to condemn the government for its refusal to fund free meals for disadvantaged children in England over the school holidays, amid a spreading grassroots campaign on the issue led by England and Manchester United footballer Marcus Rashford.

With a growing number of councils and businesses this weekend offering to provide free meals, more than 2,000 paediatricians across the UK have signed a letter expressing their shock at the decision. They state that ensuring children have enough to eat is one of the “most basic human responsibilities”.

The letter, co-ordinated by the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health and seen by the Observer, says: “Every day, we see the impact of hunger and malnutrition in our work as paediatricians. It is not unusual for us to care for children who don’t have enough to eat or who don’t have access to a substantial meal outside of what is provided in school.

“We call on the UK government to match the pledges of the Welsh and Scottish governments and the Northern Ireland Executive, to continue to provide children from low-income backgrounds with free meals over the coming weeks and to then extend this at least until the Easter school holiday.”

The letter praises Rashford as a “source of inspiration” for his campaign, which continued to attract a groundswell of support last night. Hundreds more businesses have signed up to help provide meals this weekend and scores of councils, including prominent Tory-led authorities, have agreed to fund local programmes. An online petition set up by Rashford now has more than 700,000 signatures, while Labour is planning to embarrass the government by holding another Commons vote on the issue.

Russell Viner, president of the Royal College, told the Observer that he had “rarely seen such anger among our members”. He added: “We care for children who don’t have enough to eat. We see far too many of them. It is heartbreaking that it has become a normal part of our jobs and hunger is all too common for millions of families in the UK. There is an opportunity to put this right. It is pointless to talk about levelling up the country, an ambition which we support, while refusing to offer temporary relief to children and families.”

The intervention comes amid frustration among many Conservative MPs, who want the decision to be reversed before the Christmas holidays. One senior figure said ministers were making a “massive mistake” by refusing to back Rashford’s campaign. Rashford’s successful campaign to provide food vouchers during the summer holidays is estimated to have cost £126m.

However, other Tory MPs caused anger by criticising the free meals drive. Ben Bradley, the Mansfield MP, was accused of linking free meals with “crack dens” and “brothels” in social media comments. He said his remarks had been taken out of context. North Devon MP Selaine Saxby apologised after appearing to criticise businesses giving away free food. Philip Davies, the MP for Shipley, also faced a backlash for a withering response to a 16-year-old constituent who had questioned his opposition to extending free school meals.

Ministers are also facing criticism after it emerged that schools in some of the most deprived areas of the country were told they will not now receive the laptops to help pupils learn remotely.

Allocations of laptops for disadvantaged pupils have been slashed by around 80%. A Department for Education spokesperson said allocations of laptops were being “more effectively” targeted to the children, schools and areas of the country that have “greatest need”. The Scottish and Welsh governments have already extended free meals during school holidays until next Easter. In Northern Ireland, children will be given meals over this month’s half-term break. Official figures from earlier this year suggested 1.4 million disadvantaged children were eligible for free school meals in England, but that is thought to have increased during the pandemic.

The concern among child health experts heaps further pressure on ministers. Dr Max Davie, officer for health improvement at the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, said: “We’re a rich country. We shouldn’t have to fight for food vouchers when we’re in the middle of a pandemic.”

Dr Liz Whittaker, consultant paediatrician at St Mary’s Hospital, London said: “Missing meals isn’t just about going hungry on an individual day, it has a lasting impact on a young person’s life. It is impossible to justify any argument that this saves the state money.”

Meanwhile, Covid cases continue to mount. A further 23,012 positive tests were announced on Saturday, along with 174 more deaths. A further 1,139 were admitted to hospital.

Robert Halfon, the Tory chair of the education select committee, called on the government to rethink and overhaul food provision for poor children. “The government has got to sort this,” he said. “They need to sit down with people like Marcus Rashford and his taskforce, which has got some of the biggest food companies involved. They need to set out a long-term plan to combat child food hunger, not only looking at rolling out free school meal vouchers at Christmas temporarily during the coronavirus pandemic, but also rolling out breakfast clubs, introducing a holiday activities programme, and examining [the level of support in] universal credit.”

Late on Saturday, former children’s minister Tim Loughton became the latest Tory to call on the government to change course. “I will now lobby ministers to reverse this decision for the Christmas break,” he said.

However, ministers insisted that there was a “better way” to deal with the issue of child hunger. Baroness Barran, the civil society minister, told the BBC Radio 4 Today programme: “The government has made over £200bn available to protect people’s incomes and people’s livelihoods. We have worked very closely with charities who operate food banks across the country. There are different approaches to how we do this but we have used all the levers possible to try to make sure that people are safe and well as we go forward.

“We have provided more money through universal credit, we have provided more money to local authorities and we believe that is a better way of approaching this problem.”

Coronavirus crisis: Sharp rise in new cases recorded in East Devon

The number of new coronavirus cases confirmed in the last seven days has risen across Devon and Cornwall – with a sharp rise recorded in East Devon.

Daniel Clark – Local Democracy Reporter honiton.nub.news 

Below are a list of ‘clusters’ – referring to three or more cases – in Honiton and the surrounding area.

Figures are as of October 23 covering October 13-19:

Dunkesewell, Upottery and Stockland: 4

Honiton North and East: 4

Honiton South and West: 0-2

Feniton and Whimple: 0-2

Axminster: 7

Ottery St Mary and West Hill: 3

A large rise has been recorded across East Devon, with 15 clusters currently registered in the region.

In Exeter, cases are down by a third on last week, mainly driven by a reduction in cases linked to the University.

A sharp fall in cases in Exeter has outweighed the rises elsewhere in the region, which has seen 13 fewer cases confirmed in the Devon County Council area compared with last week.

Of the 1,395 new cases, 116 were in East Devon. The region has seen a sharp rise by specimen date.

This compares to the 1,113 new cases from last week, of which 69 were in East Devon.

The number of people in hospital in the South West has risen to 248 from 151 as of last week and there are currently 21 people on a mechanical ventilator.

In total, East Devon has had 582 positive cases.

It comes as Steve Brown, the Deputy Director for Public Health Devon has confirmed that Exeter case numbers are now back to ‘broadly’ the national average.

He described the reduction in cases in Exeter as great news and testament to all the work that the university and colleagues have done.

“While the numbers are low in Devon at the moment, it’s really important that we do all we can to maintain that,” he said.

CNN – One Million dead: how Covid-19 tore us apart – Cathy Gardner’s Father’s case features

Latest news from Cathy Gardner as she waits to find out whether her judicial review can proceed to the High Court.

https://www.crowdjustice.com/case/care-home-deaths/

Update on Help me hold the government to account for Covid-19 care home deaths

Thank you for your kind support, you’ve allowed me to bring the case forward and we await a ruling on November 19th to see whether the case will get the judicial review we are calling for.

In the meantime I just wanted to make you aware of two news items that you may not have seen. Firstly, Amnesty International published a report a few weeks ago that did get some coverage in the media. Their findings echo the evidence in my legal case and If you didn’t see it the report can be found here:  https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/10/uk-older-people-in-care-homes-abandoned-to-die-amid-government-failures-during-covid-19-pandemic/

Secondly, CNN interviewed me for the piece they produced to mark the sad milestone of a million deaths worldwide. This is humbling because my father’s story was chosen to represent the ~250’000 deaths in Europe, so far. Sadly the death toll continues to rise. The CNN item can be viewed here and is very moving (copy and paste into your browser if you need to, its worth watching):

https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2020/09/world/global-covid-deaths-one-million/

Calls made to help East Devon WASPI women facing pandemic hardship

East Devon District Council is calling on the government to provide financial help for women born in the 1950s who lost out on thousands of pounds of income due to state pension age changes and are now in further hardship due to the coronavirus pandemic.

Beth Sharp exmouth.nub.news

In the 1990s the government increased the female state pension age from 60 to 65. It’s meant that women, born in the 1950s, who expected to retire at 60, suddenly found themselves facing a wait of up to at least five years before they could receive their pension. Further changes in 2011 accelerated and increased the State Pension age so some faced a hike of six years and most had absolutely no idea this had happened.

Nationally, 3.8 million women have been affected by the changes with more than 7,500 women living in East Devon.

Campaigners for the Women Against State Pension Inequality (WASPI) say that the pandemic is now adding to the financial strain that the women born in the 1950s are facing. Many affected by the changes have had to continue working towards their new state pension age in order to make ends meet as the decision meant that many were financially ill-prepared for the future.

As jobs are being lost due to economic pressures triggered by the Covid lockdown, many in this group are now finding that their jobs – their financial lifeline – are being cut and they are finding it hard to find new work.

Following a motion to support the WASPI group, put forward by Cllr Fabian King and seconded by Cllr Val Ranger, East Devon District Council unanimously agreed to lobby its three MPs urging them to promote the plight of the women in Parliament.

The council is backing the WASPI call on government to take urgent action to support the women. It wants Parliament to give WASPI women early access to Pension Credit and give those women due to reach state pension age this financial year early access to their state pension.

At the council meeting, Cllr Ranger highlighted the devastating repercussions for the women resulting from the pandemic which had removed their means of earning or saving money.

She said: “It is very easy to forget that many of these women were well into their 40 and 50s when the changes to pension ages were announced.

“The national minimum wage was not introduced until 1999 and many women prior to that were in very low wage jobs, secondary to their partners.

“Many of these women had career breaks to raise children or care for family members or worked part-time sometimes with multiple jobs around those responsibilities.

“If they found themselves raising children or caring for partners alone, employers did not automatically put part-time workers into pension schemes at that time and where there was the choice to enrol in a scheme, many had to choose between feeding the family that month or putting money into the pension pot for later life.

“It is one thing to be told at the start of your career that you will need to plan long term for your retirement and another to have the goal posts changed as you approach retirement.

“Things are very different now with compulsory employer pension schemes.

“Low paid jobs are often high energy, unsocial hours and physical and this becomes increasingly challenging over the years.

“Given the competition in the job market now at a time when many younger people are seeking work, it seems nonsensical to pay young people to be on unemployment benefits so harmful to their self-esteem and long term mental health and yet continue to insist older women who have worked hard all their lives must carry on pursuing whatever means they can to get by.

“The government could easily address this imbalance with no ill effect on the public purse.”

Carol Bray and Sandra Broadbent, Devon co-ordinators for WASPI, thanked the council for supporting their cause.

They said: “The arrival of the Coronavirus pandemic has led to even further financial strain for us. Many were unable to take advantage of emergency government measures and many lost their jobs.

“Those who have lost their jobs are finding real barriers in gaining new work.

“The World Health Organisation has identified those over 60 as being at greater risk from the virus – many WASPI women are continuing or seeking employment in a state of fear but have no option as they cannot afford to be unemployed.

“The emergency measures the council is supporting would be of immense help and it is a testament to East Devon council that it is the first council in the country to support its residents in this Call to Action and to do so unanimously.”

WASPI has made it clear that it is not asking for pensions to return to 60 for women, but say that the government decision was maladministration as women were not properly informed of the changes and led to many being financially ill prepared for the future.

Cllr Paul Arnott, leader of the council, was asked by the council to write to the district’s three MPs Simon Jupp, Mel Stride and Neil Parish.

In his letter, Cllr Arnott told the MPs that the women were already suffering from a pre-existing state of poverty and financial deprivation and government action on Covid had hit them exceptionally hard, throwing them into a pension trap.

He said: “These women were deprived of any means by which they could rescue or revise their financial plans – in the time available at the end of their working lives – to replace the pension provision that had been taken away.

“Just because this issue continues to be neglected does not mean it has gone away. Men have never had to put up with this treatment and this intolerable gender discrimination is happening today in plain sight.

“The repercussions of Covid have been financially devastating for the cohort caught in this penalised age group.

“It is irrefutable that the manner of pension age transition has caused significant financial damages for women born in the 1950s.

“Many have had to tread very carefully through life to make ends meet. Yet now this has been exacerbated by Covid pulling the rug from under them.

“The government’s Covid lockdown measures have caused the collapse of the penny-pinching ways of life to which so many East Devon women born in the 1950’s have had to resort.

“Covid has broken apart the fragile state of their financial make-do-and-mend approach to life.

“The remedial measures and little ways of making and saving a penny or a pound here or there have become an impossible challenge.

“That Covid lockdown has been easing recently has not undone the damage nor resolved the economic deprivation this cohort of women continue to face – and it may yet return.

“I can summarise by saying that the common theme is that so many means and ways of earning an extra few pounds, or making savings here and there have now gone. And, as so many men will know, when they approach retirement age, the ageism prevalent in our society closes nearly every door to improving their financial lot.”

Plea for faster Cranbrook town centre plan falls on deaf ears

This sorry saga of what happens with “hands-off developer-led development” is a living example of what the government has in mind with its “planning for the future” White Paper. The consultation on this ends next week on 29 October

This is a highly technical consultation. Not all the questions need answering and, for members of the public, e-mailing some general narrative comment would suffice. If anyone wants ideas on how to respond to the key questions, read the excellent brief prepared by EDDC planners for the 16 September Strategic Planning Committee, pages 36 to 73.

Cranbrook started off with such high hopes with a dedicated EDDC planning team. They created a viable community plan (Owl even attended a presentation) but this team was dissolved, on government instruction, with all the time and effort wasted.

Cranbrook ended up being a pioneer of “developer-led” community planning.

“The market knows best.” (See also the “mutant algorithm” which it is intended should be used to allocate housing numbers, part of the consultation) – Owl

Daniel Clark www.devonlive.com 

Impassioned pleas for councillors to accept a proposal that would kick-start the development of Cranbrook’s long awaited town centre have fallen on deaf ears.

East Devon District Council’s strategic planning committee on Thursday were urged to by local members, the town council, and the town’s Minister, to accept the proposals by the East Devon New Community Partners for the town.

Their offer would see development take place sooner rather than late, although would be less ambitious than a proposed masterplan that council officers were in favour of.

But the calls were rejected, with committee members instead voting to continue negotiations with the EDNCp to improve their offer and to that work should continue on a draft Supplementary Planning Document for the town centre.

Artist impression of Cranbrook Town Centre by the Consortium (Image East Devon New Community Partners)

Artist impression of Cranbrook Town Centre by the Consortium (Image East Devon New Community Partners)

While the SPD approach would see a more ambitious town centre provided, as the land is not owned by East Devon District Council, it would be uncertain how this could be delivered or funded, and other than when the existing S106 obligations for reaching 3,450 occupations were reached.

The proposal from the consortium of developers included:

  • A 2,500 square metres Morrisons supermarket with an additional 1,000 square metres of retail space on Tillhouse Road (around 10 to 12 shops);
  • A town square
  • A nursery
  • Around 350 town centre homes
  • Town hall with café, meeting spaces and around 15 rentable office units (including land and around one-third of the construction costs)
  • Children’s centre, youth centre and library in a single building (including land and the construction costs to the Section 106 value)
  • A skate park
  • Land for extra care facilities delivered by Devon County Council
  • Land for a “blue light” facility to house fire, police and ambulance services
  • Opportunities to provide additional retail outlets
  • Public conveniences, if not built within a commercial building
  • Option to purchase an acre of land to safeguard land for any additional development needs identified in the future, e.g. a leisure centre, workshops or light industrial units.

The masterplan approach seeks to use the EDNCp proposals as a starting point by incorporating their proposals for the town centre, and would see the library, youth centre, children’s centre and blue light services provided.

But the proposal would make the remainder of town centre land available for a mixture of commercial, community and leisure uses to meet the needs of the town in the future rather than for housing, the location of the extra care facility would be changed, while it may make provision for a hotel in the town, and would continue to plan for the proposed leisure centre to be provided.

Cllr Barry Rogers, chairman of Cranbrook town council’s amenities committee, said that this was a choice between a range of facilities being delivered now or more ambitious town centre at some stage in the future, without clarity over what can be delivered, whether it can be funded, and how long it will take to deliver.

Artist impression of Cranbrook Town Centre by the Consortium (Image East Devon New Community Partners)

Artist impression of Cranbrook Town Centre by the Consortium (Image East Devon New Community Partners)

He said: “Residents are crying out for the delivery of facilities now and not at some stage in the future. Cranbrook is rapidly building out and majority of people no longer live within walking distance of the only convenience store in town. An entire town is being built, but there is little or no urgency that the community desperately needs and is demanding the town centre sooner rather than later.

“No-one knows how long it would take, there is no timescale for delivery, and no guarantee anything would be delivered at all, so the town council, on behalf of the Cranbrook community, urges you to approve the developers proposal for the facilities that we so urgently need.”

Cllr Ray Bloxham, who represents Cranbrook on Devon County Council said that the consortium proposal was the way forward. He said: “Rejecting the proposal will kill off the youth building and the community building ahead of the trigger point.

“This is not a bird in the hand or the bird in the bush, as while the consortiums proposals are the bird in the hand, the chances are the bird will never get into the bush with the SPD and may die before it does. Even with the perceived limitations, it would be a major boost, while the prospect of many more years with no facilities would be so demoralising it could have a desperate impact on the economic development of the town.”

The Rev Lythan Nevard , Minister for Cranbrook, said if we want Cranbrook to be a town rather than a sprawling housing estate, then it does need a town centre sooner rather than later.

She added: “We are at a tipping point and the need for a town centre as soon as possible is critical. We need more community space. The town is growing every day all the time, but the social infrastructure cannot grow at the same pace as new people are arriving. People are disillusioned and they will leave because the dream of the town they were sold isn’t going to come to fruition.

“People are hungry for the facilities now even if smaller than planned, rather than a dream that may come later, as for many people, it is already later. A town without a heart is just an estate, and that was never the plan for Cranbrook.”

Cllr Kim Bloxham urged the committee to support the consortium proposal which will be a huge boost to the community of Cranbrook, saying ‘do what is right for them’, while Cllr Sam Hawkins said: “It is not want we want in an ideal world but we don’t live in an ideal world. I struggle to see how district can provide the town centre from a finance and resources point of view.”

Cllr Kevin Blakey added: “The developers’ proposals are fully funded and deliverable in the short term, so it presents a low risk to the authority. We should take note of what the people in Cranbrook are asking for. We are supposed to represent what they feel and they want.”

Supporting the calls from Cranbrook, Cllr Andrew Moulding said: “I am concerned that the recommendation would mean more delay for the residents of Cranbrook. The Minister made an impassioned plea to get on with it. She knows what the residents of the town feel and on behalf of them made a plea.

“The ward members support it and they know the town. It delivers what I hope it would be able to deliver and what the SPD would mean is yet more delay.”

Cllr Philip Skinner added: “It’s time we got something done. People are crying out for something to be done. It is maybe not delivering on the aspirations but it is time to deliver on what we’ve got, as we need to build communities not just housing estates.”

Cllr Ian Thomas said that there was always going to be an issue with the ‘self-sustainability’ of Cranbrook due to its proximity to Exeter. He said: “To suggest it will have a massive town centre with everything under the sun is just not going to happen. The proposal from the consortium are not radically different from the SPD and if not radically different, where all the other things are going from, as I don’t expect they’ll be in the SPD either?

“It is brave to go against the views of the elected members, 1000 residents in support, the town council, the county council – so from a public perception the support is clearly strong. In the current climate, a bird in the hand is better than a starling hiding in the bushes. We should look to move forward.”

Cllr Mike Howe added that this was a difficult decision, as one hand there is a scheme that will deliver what the residents want, but on the other hand, won’t deliver what the town will need for the next 15-20 years and never will because of the constraints put upon it.

He said: “This is the devil and the deep blue sea. The proposals have merit and should be explored but there are only an opening gambit and they need to do a lot better, or we give officers longer to come up with a scheme, debate it, and see if we can afford it.

“If we accept this, we are committed to a town that will probably never have a cinema, never have a sport centre, and will have to grow more, but we will be stuck as what we have now. It cannot be seen as acceptable and they have to do better, but at speed, as sitting around debating an SPD for many more years is not going to work.”

But Cllr Olly Davey said that the council had to look to the future and that the 2,000 households living there now may want this, questions will be asked when the town is fully built to 8,000 homes why did they accept such a small town centre and why didn’t they stick out for the original vision for the town?

He said: “We should stick with the recommendation and accept the proposal that has been made by officers, and that the negotiations continue.”

Cllr Eleanor Rylance added that there had been ‘little bits of shine’ knocked of the vision for Cranbrook each year. She said: “It would be devastating if we privileged speed over delivering the town of Cranbrook when it is built out. This is not ambitious enough. It is a quick solution to a current problem, but doesn’t address a future problem.”

She added that the proposals ‘looked like the lunch area in an out of town office park and was not a destination that anyone wants to go to with a windy precinct as their town centre’, and said: “We can do better and must think about what we are delivering. We need to think about not just the current residents but future residents.”

Cllr Paul Hayward added: “All I see is houses and putting more strain on infrastructure and services. Cranbrook needs massive investment, but we will deliver it, and we must make a commitment to get the SPD done far faster.”

In his recommendation to the committee, Ed Freeman, the service lead for planning strategy and development management, said in officers opinion, the consortium proposals may deliver what the town needs now in terms of retail facilities but in so doing it precludes the delivery of future commercial and community spaces that the town already requires, and which the need for will continue as the town grows from its current 2100 homes to around 8000 in the future.

He added: “Failure to meet the long term needs of the town as it develops jeopardises the future of Cranbrook as a sustainable and healthy new town. Officers continue to have fundamental concerns with the viability evidence presented which forms the fundamental rationale for the NCp’s proposal for a reduced economic heart for the town centre; the evidence is not transparent and has inconsistencies within it which raise concerns over accuracy.

“The production of an SPD and the proactive delivery of the town centre is therefore considered to be the favoured approach. There would however be major challenges in terms of accessing the land and funding the delivery of the proposals.”

Councillors rejected Cllr Blakey’s recommendation to accept the consortium’s proposals by seven votes to four, with one abstention, before accepting the recommendation of officers by seven votes to three, with two abstentions.

The committee agreed to advise the East Devon New Community Partners that the Council is not minded to enter into the proposed Memorandum of Understanding based on the proposed heads of terms at the present time but is open to further negotiation.

They recommended to Cabinet that funding be made available to support the pro-active delivery of the town centre based on the draft SPD Masterplan, and that work should continue on the draft SPD which alongside a delivery plan be presented to Strategic Planning Committee in December.

‘Don’t come to Devon’ plea to tourists from ‘high-risk areas’

Devon’s council leaders have issued a joint message calling on anyone currently in a high-risk area to follow national guidance, and to stay away from the county this half-term.

[A sensible message, but is the national “guidance” strong enough? – Owl]

Daniel Clark www.devonlive.com 

Those living under the highest level of restrictions in England are advised by the Government not to travel out of their areas except under exceptional circumstances.

Cllr John Hart, leader of Devon County Council, said: “That is why we are calling on anyone currently in a high-risk area to follow national guidance, and to stay away for now.”

He said that for anyone thinking of coming to or travelling in and around the South West this half-term that ‘coronavirus won’t be taking a holiday, and a new social media campaign specifically targeting anyone coming into the region has been launched with the message that if you’re visiting Devon this half term, please remember the rules still apply while you’re on holiday.

While coronavirus rates in Devon are below the national average, Cllr Hart said that now is the time to be extra careful and he has urged anyone coming on holiday to Devon to consider the potential impact of their visit and to respect and help protect our local communities.

He said: “People may well be considering taking a break this half term but unfortunately coronavirus won’t be taking a holiday.

“Clearly, our top priority is to keep our residents safe. I urge everyone who is thinking of going away or even travelling within the area to think carefully about where they might be going and to continue to follow the rules.

“Equally, we are asking anyone thinking of coming into the region to consider the potential impact of their visit and to respect and help protect our local communities.

“The number of coronavirus cases here is rising but still much lower than most of the rest of the country and we want to keep it that way, so now is the time to be extra careful and extra vigilant.

“That is why we are calling on anyone currently in a high-risk area to follow national guidance, and to stay away for now.

“And if people do travel here from other areas then we urge them to be extra careful and follow all the extra rules that may relate to their own local area.”

The message comes as all authorities across the region come together to launch a joint social media campaign via the South West Local Resilience Forum to target visitors, reminding them to keep following the basic rules – space, face and hands – and not to think they can relax just because they are away.

Honiton Town Council issues statement addressing ‘misconceptions within the community’

Honiton Town Council has issued a statement in which it seeks to address ‘current misperceptions within the community’.

[Not sure that Owl is much wiser as a result]

Hannah Corfield honiton.nub.news 

It states that the Council is ‘aware of a petition requesting that Councillors resign and accepts that those who have signed are exercising their democratic rights but that it does not agree with the arguments raised’.

It goes on to confirm that ‘Councillors will continue to work for the best interests of the Town, and will not be resigning’.

“The claim brought by Honiton Town Council against Bailey Partnership was based on legal advice received,” the statement continues.

“The decision not to pursue further litigation against Bailey Partnership was made by Full Council at their meeting on Monday, 12 October.

“Honiton Town Council has always supported Honiton Community Complex (the Beehive). The Beehive building is there, built by the Council and it has been positive for the Town.

“The funding of the Beehive is a complex issue, but one which Honiton Town Council is endeavouring to resolve.

“Honiton Town Council is working on projects for the benefit of Honiton.

“Honiton Town Council acknowledges there have been problems related to staffing, but we anticipate many of those problems will be resolved in the next few months.

“Actions were further delayed for a variety of reasons, mainly Covid-19, but we are now moving ahead at speed to resolve these issues.

“At all times, should any person have any queries or wishes to discuss in detail any action taken by Honiton Town Council, they should not hesitate to contact either the Deputy Town Clerk or any one of the Town Councillors, whose contact details can be found here on the Honiton Town Council website.

The magic money tree erupts with autumn fruit

The government moves in mysterious ways. Only on Tuesday, it had been unable to find an extra £5m to secure a deal with Andy Burnham and other local leaders to take Greater Manchester into tier 3. And on Wednesday there had been no money available for the poorest children, who will tiresomely insist on still wanting to be fed when not in school, to get free meals during the holidays up until next Easter. But on Thursday the Magic Money Tree was dripping with cash.

John Crace www.theguardian.com 

Rishi Sunak has only been chancellor for about eight months, but I’ve already lost count of how many budgets he’s delivered since March. We must be into double figures by now. His winter economy plan that was announced at the tail end of last month hasn’t even survived till the end of autumn – and is now on to its third iteration.

Some may see this as a weakness in strategic planning. A failure to predict what was only too obvious to most of the rest of the country. But Sunak prefers to give his policies a more positive spin. He likes to see himself as the Man in the Know; someone who can react to fast-changing events at speed. After all, who could possibly have guessed that the UK – along with the rest of Europe – was heading for a second wave of coronavirus? Other than the government scientists who had been saying just that for months.

So Sunak was back in the Commons to deliver yet another round of financial help for businesses affected by Covid-19. The costings could wait for another day, as Sunak prefers not to let the details of how he will eventually pay for things – austerity or higher taxes – take the gloss off his moment in the limelight. First was a bailout for all businesses affected by being in tier 2. This was backdated to August just to prove that he wasn’t just bothered about London and the West Midlands, but really, really cared about the north-west too. If he’d announced all this just a week ago, he could have saved the government a world of pain.

Then there was going to be more help for businesses who would now only have to pay 5% of the wages of employees who only worked one day per week. This wouldn’t make the worker any better off and more likely to be able to pay the bills, but it would at least make it more likely they still had a job. Which was something. And finally the government was going to double the support for the self-employed from 20% to 40%, so they would also go broke a little less quickly.

The shadow chancellor, Anneliese Dodds, wasn’t quite as enthusiastic about the new proposals as Sunak seemed to expect. She called them “too little, too late” and observed that the best part of a million jobs had already been lost as a result of the government not having acted sooner. Nor did she wholly buy the idea that the measures weren’t being driven by London and the West Midlands and that the north-west had been tacked on as an expedient afterthought.

What was required, she concluded, wasn’t the whole country gradually edging its way into tier 3: it was a “circuit breaker” to halt the rise in infections. Though this did rather presume that the government could introduce an effective test-and-trace system. Even as she spoke, the latest statistics were published showing performance going from bad to worse.

But Rishi wasn’t here to listen to any of the naysayers. He is a man with the effortless self-belief and thin-skinned vanity of a multimillionaire who is never likely to experience financial hardship and just wanted to lap up the plaudits of the crowd. He got unexpectedly tetchy when accused of going for a cheap photo opportunity in Wagamama – Sunak doesn’t do anything on the cheap – and instead chose to wallow in the love of his own benches. This was his day. His moment in the sun and nobody was going to spoil it. At times like this, he gives the impression he believes his brand is bigger than that of his own party.

The fawning proved far too much for Boris Johnson, who had appeared for the opening half-hour, and he sloped off just as Andrew Mitchell was declaring his undying love for the chancellor. There’s only space for one narcissist in the room when Boris is around. So just as well the prime minister had gone awol, otherwise he would have had to listen to Tory Matt Vickers describe Rishi as “the man, the myth, the legend”. Sunak could only nod in agreement.

What no one mentioned of course, was that we had been here countless times before. Each of Sunak’s previous recent budget statements, which had proved to be hopelessly inadequate, had been received with nothing but adulation. But that was then and this is now. The past wasn’t just a foreign country it was a nonexistent country. And when, in a month or so’s time, Sunak came to the Commons to announce yet more measures, they too would be greeted with the excitement and shock of the new.

The battle of the egos was resumed later in the afternoon when Johnson and Sunak combined to give a joint Downing Street press conference. And though neither had anything new to say, it was Sunak who was the clear winner on points. Boris merely repeated his shtick of mumbling incoherently while casually mixing in the odd lie about anything that caught his fancy – he looks increasingly fed up with the job and only capable of dealing with a reality that he would like to exist – while Rishi sounded totally confident and at ease. Even when he is having to explain why his previous measures have been inadequate, he manages to maintain the pretence that his mistakes were deliberate.

Still, Sunak shouldn’t get too relaxed about being top dog. Because the person showing most sincerity was Patrick Vallance, the government’s chief scientific adviser and the third person in the room. And though he was doing his best to be optimistic, he didn’t have much cheer on offer. The test-and trace system was still a mess and that was really the only way out of the current situation. We were stuck with the virus, and we were stuck with a government committed to a tiering system from which no region was likely to escape downwards anytime soon. It was going to be a long winter.

‘Firm and concerted action’ needed to improve [local] governance

The pandemic has presented a unique challenge for governance in local authorities. Geoff Wild examines how leadership, employees, politics and finances should come together in good governance.

www.room151.co.uk/ 

Governance is about the way in which we work together to make good decisions. Good governance is necessary for us to know that we are providing the services and support that people need and expect. Good governance is also necessary to ensure that the insights and perspectives of a range of people are used to inform decision-making, and to ensure that decisions are made transparently, consistently and on the basis of evidence, by people with the legitimacy to make those decisions—whether they are councillors or officers.

For these reasons, good governance is central to local democracy and to the business of local authorities. But with the postponement of the 2020 election and the impact on decision-making of the pandemic, it is even more crucial to take firm and concerted action to improve governance.

Dynamic

The fluid nature of the pandemic and the response that it demands means a more dynamic approach than usual is required.

For councils to be effective in providing the services and support that local people expect in these challenging times, good governance is essential. Without strong and effective decision-making in place, a council’s actions will be muddled and fragmented. It will not reflect the vision that councillors have for the future of the area, and raises the likelihood that the authority will be poor at managing the external and internal risks which it is likely to experience—the pandemic being a key example.

There are typically four core issues that serve to weaken a council’s overall governance position:

Leadership: The failure to assert a clear set of priorities and objectives for the council make political accountability difficult to discern.

Workforce: Uncertainty about roles and responsibilities of members and officers.

Politics: Significant political tension coupled with a lack of political nous from some senior officers; a failure on the part of some senior members to come to terms with changing political winds and the comparative inexperience of new councillors who become increasingly frustrated because they are unable to navigate a council’s systems.

Finances: Uncertainty around a council’s medium-term budget position and real member oversight of the budget development process, with members of all groups being involved in tough conversations about prioritisation, focus and organisational direction. This is exacerbated by the financial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

So, good governance requires that:

  • Individual responsibility is clear. Councillors and officers must understand where their respective duties and accountabilities lie. Importantly, ownership of action on risk is a key part of this.
  • Collective responsibility is clear. Within a functioning governance system there has to be a collective responsibility for good governance, held by everybody.

The constitution (including the scheme of delegation) may set out the legal foundation within which such roles and responsibilities should be exercised, but behaviours do not always reflect this.

Structures

No one person is responsible for overall stewardship of the governance system. A tendency to focus on the structures and systems of governance, rather than its core objectives, can lead to a lack of interest from members of the leadership.

Councils with good governance have clear objectives and a sense of how governance connects to their objectives. Governance isn’t seen as a distraction to delivery. Because of this, governance is thought about and reflected upon in the planning of major activity, meaning that time is not wasted unproductively in post-hoc discussions and disagreements when things don’t go as expected.

Good governance is framed by the making of decisions based on evidence, and on the use of information to drive accountability and responsibility. Well-governed authorities understand how important the flow of accurate information is to their effective functioning. The principle of equality of access to information underpins the way that such councils approach this matter.

It is therefore important that all councillors (administration, opposition, scrutiny) have between them open access to information and a range of ways to informally and formally influence decision-making in a variety of meetings and forums. The governance framework should provide the context within which these can be facilitated and sustained.

But alongside this comes the expectation that information will be used productively and in the service of constructive debate on the authority and its business. Protocols need to incorporate behavioural expectations around the confidentiality of certain information, its access and use. The important thing is that they collectively form a consistent and transparent framework, which does not privilege any one group—a necessary component of governance in any council.

Councils can use the Annual Governance Statement (AGS) as a way to manage and champion good governance and improvement. The aim should for the AGS to provide a road map for governance improvement. This should be accompanied by clear lines of accountability and mechanisms for member oversight and ownership of key objectives, projects and decisions.

The purpose of the AGS is to provide public assurance on the extent to which the authority’s governance systems and processes conform with local expectations, and with wider sector norms—as well as taking account of emerging risks and pressures which could lead to a need for change. It is only possible for the AGS to provide this assurance if it is informed by a meaningful review. In many councils this need has not been acknowledged, and the AGS has reflected more the need to produce and sign off a decontextualised document rather than presenting the culmination of a reflective review on the council’s governance position.

Behaviour

So, what does good governance in local government look like? Some think of it as only being about structures, systems, and processes. But equally important are the behavioural elements of good governance: The way that personal relationships and trust influence accountability and transparency, and the way that individuals operate within, and interpret, the governance framework. It also involves understanding how political and organisational risk intersect, and how an awareness of risk should be used to define and refine the organisation’s priorities.

Geoff Wild is a local government legal and governance specialist, and currently interim monitoring officer at the Isle of Wight Council.

Sewage samples ‘can detect local spikes in coronavirus cases’

South West leads the rest of the country down the drain! – Owl

Andy Phillips www.plymouthherald.co.uk 

Sewage samples can detect whether a community is experiencing a spike in coronavirus cases, according to a new programme which has been successfully tested in the South West.

An Environment Agency laboratory at Starcross near Exeter led the testing of the project which the Government say could become an early warning system for local outbreaks, and a ‘vital step’ in the national Test and Trace programme.

Samples from five areas across the region, including sewage treatment works in Plymouth and Cornwall, are now being used to detect a potential spike in coronavirus cases.

Organisers say the results of the programme, which began in July, have revealed that fragments of genetic material from the virus can be detected in wastewater.

This can provide health professionals with a clearer idea of infection rates within a community as it will show results from asymptomatic carriers or even those who have yet to experience symptoms.

Those behind the project say it has already worked successfully in the South West and will now be rolled out across 80 wastewater treatment sites across the UK.

Among five sites in the region now being sampled are St Ives and Penzance sewage treatment works and Plymouth Central STW as well as sites in Bristol, Trowbridge and Weymouth.

Sewage samples can detect whether a community is experiencing a spike in coronavirus cases

Sewage samples can detect whether a community is experiencing a spike in coronavirus cases (Image: Paul Slater)

Data from sampling will be shared with the NHS Test and Trace programme and prompt health professionals and councils to issue warnings in areas of infection.

The £1m scheme involves a host of organisations including Defra, the Environment Agency, the Joint-Biosecurity Centre as well as university departments in Cardiff, Bangor, Edinburgh, London and Middlesex as well as water companies and the Office for National Statistics.

The Government say testing sewage for diseases has been done for many years, but this is the first time that molecular science has been used in the fight against coronavirus.

Emma Howard Boyd, Chair of the Environment Agency, said: “Sewage is a rich source of information about community health. I recently visited Starcross laboratory and saw the testing, monitoring and analysis carried out by the Environment Agency’s wastewater experts.

“I was inspired by their collaborative approach with academics, industry, government to help provide an early warning system for local coronavirus outbreaks.”

Dr Davey Jones, Professor of Soil & Environmental Science at Bangor University, said: “We have been monitoring viruses like Norovirus and Hepatitis in human sewage for the last decade, as part of a programme to evaluate levels of these viruses in the community. We added Covid-19 to the surveillance list in March this year.

“We showed that viral levels in wastewater mapped really well onto the success of lockdown measures in the first Covid-19 wave and to the emergence of the second wave. We are now using it to track the emergence and control of Covid-19 cases and working on new pilots to map the virus at both the local and the regional scale.”

Environment Secretary George Eustice, who is also MP for Camborne and Redruth, said: “This is a significant step forward in giving us a clearer idea of infection rates both nationally and locally, particularly in areas where there may be large numbers of people who aren’t showing any symptoms and therefore aren’t seeking tests.

“NHS Test and Trace is able to use the science to ensure local health leads are alerted and can take action.

“We are continuing to look at how this programme can be refined as one of the many measures we’re using to slow the spread of the virus and protect local communities.”

Health and Social Care Secretary Matt Hancock said: “This initiative is just one example of how we are working across government and with local partners to find innovative, new ways to track the outbreak, slow the spread of the virus and save lives.

“Monitoring and sampling wastewater offers another tool to help us identify outbreaks early on – helping NHS Test and Trace and local authorities target hotspots quickly and effectively.”

Net Cost

The Times view on the damage caused by trawling to marine habitats 

By Football Index www.thetimes.co.uk 

Few of Brexit’s opportunities are freighted with as much political expectation as the promise of coastal independence for Britain. Though the fishing industry may only offer a modest contribution to the economy, to many of those who voted for Brexit there is no starker illustration of sovereignty surrendered than the presence of foreign trawlers in British territorial waters.

Yet the ecological riches of Britain’s seas are just as precious a national inheritance, and one threatened by destructive fishing practices in the 350 marine protection areas (MPAs) that ring its coasts. Moves by ministers to create new regulations to protect them from plunder by trawlers are a welcome start, but there is much more work to do.

Of course, the most diverse ocean habitats in British waters ought to be safeguarded already. Yet too many marine protected areas exist on paper alone. In the 71 sites situated in Britain’s offshore zone, the vast area of sea between 12 and 200 nautical miles from the coast, there is scant protection for critically endangered species and the delicate ecosystems that sustain them.

By far the most egregious enterprise is bottom trawling. Boats drag weighted nets across the ocean floor without heed for the ecological destruction left in their wake. Some 97 per cent of marine protected areas have fallen victim. While British vessels are among the culprits, French, Dutch and Danish trawlermen are the worst offenders. Indeed, the time foreign supertrawlers spent fishing in the UK’s marine protected areas doubled in the first six months of this year.

As long as Britain remains a signatory to the European Union’s Common Fisheries Policy, there is no straightforward recourse to restrict bottom trawling or dredging, the impact of which is similarly destructive. That can be done only with the agreement of other nations whose vessels fish in marine protected areas that fall inside offshore zones: for obvious reasons, it has not been forthcoming.

Yet a bar to similar ecological vandalism is desperately needed lest notionally protected havens for marine life like Dogger Bank, the largest shallow sandbank in British waters and home to a host of imperilled species, be lost for ever. Action by the likes of Greenpeace, which dropped dozens of boulders on part of Dogger last month to deter trawlers, is no substitute for robust strategy from ministers to protect the area and others like it.

Moves to introduce new restrictions on harmful fishing in five marine protection areas, including Dogger Bank, thus deserve measured welcome. No other European nation has taken the initiative. But it is only a start. Even if bottom trawling and dredging were banned altogether in the first five MPAs, the vast majority, amounting to an area not far shy of the size of England and Wales, would remain vulnerable to degradation by unscrupulous trawling.

For the government to shirk bolder action to protect every marine protected area would make a mockery of its commitment to protect 30 per cent of ocean biodiversity by 2030. It would squander a Brexit dividend, too. From January, any new licensing regime for fishing fleets of any flag, be they British or European, must include protections to ban destructive trawling in every marine protected area. Unless diverse and unique ecosystems are preserved, taking back control of Britain’s waters will be no prize at all.

Coronavirus: 100,000 people not contacted as tracing system hits new low

Professor James Naismith of the University of Oxford said the figures show “a system struggling to make any difference to the epidemic”.

Baroness Harding of Winscombe, head of Test and Trace:  “Reducing turnaround times is our absolute priority …..” [Hope readers are reassured by Dido’s words- Owl]

Chris Smyth, Whitehall Editor www.thetimes.co.uk 

The Test and Trace system has hit a new low with less than 60 per cent of contacts being reached for the first time and waiting times for results up 60 per cent in a week.

Contact tracers are struggling to cope with efforts to return to normal life as weekly cases have risen to 101,494 and 7.1 per cent of all tests are coming back positive, a sign that the system is losing track of the epidemic.

Experts questioned whether the system was salvageable as cases continue to rise, but testing chiefs are bullish that more capacity and thousands more clinical contact tracers can keep pace.

Despite a recovery from the back-to-school rush last month, waits for results are now getting longer with only 15.1 per cent of drive-through and walk-in tests back within 24 hours in the week to October 14, under half the figure of the previous week.

At a press conference in Downing Street Boris Johnson said he “shares people’s frustration” with the performance of NHS Test and Trace. “We do need to improve it,” he said.

In the summer the prime minister promised all such tests would be returned within 24 hours. However, one in 12 drive-through results now take more than three days, five times the proportion of the previous week. Average waits for results for drive-through tests are now 45 hours, up from 28 hours the previous week.

Nick Ville, of the NHS Confederation, said this was “leaving people in limbo as they wait for results”, while the proportion of contacts of positive cases successfully reached fell to 59.6 per cent.

“This is well below the 80 per cent said to be needed for an effective system,” Mr Ville said.

“Without significant improvements, the situation will simply deteriorate: case numbers will rise; more cases will be transferred to the tracing system; tracers will not be able to keep up with the volume; lower percentages of people will be reached and asked to isolate; the spread of the virus will not be controlled; and unfortunately more lives will be lost.”

When the system was set up in May, 91 per cent of contacts were traced but the proportion has slipped as more contacts are made at work and in social life rather than as part of outbreaks in institutions such as care homes, where tracing has proved easier.

Infected people had 238,093 contacts in everyday life, more than ten times the figure at the start of August.

Justin Madders, the shadow health minister, pointed out that this meant 101,690 confirmed contacts were not traced. “To have over 40 per cent of people not even being contacted by the test and trace system is an interstellar-sized black hole in the government’s plan to reduce transmission,” he said.

Professor James Naismith of the University of Oxford said the figures show “a system struggling to make any difference to the epidemic”.

He said: “Getting an effective system over the summer was much easier than doing so now. It is not enough to say ‘we will work harder’ or ‘I alone can fix it’. If the system is to be made effective, and I have my doubts if this now possible, it will need a clear set of plans that explain what changes are being made and how these will fill in the holes that I and many others have spelt out.”

Baroness Harding of Winscombe, head of Test and Trace, said that capacity had increased by 30,000 a day in a week and insisted: “Reducing turnaround times is our absolute priority to make sure we are reaching people as soon as possible. We always need to balance ensuring as many people as possible can get a test alongside ensuring test results are delivered as quickly as possible, and as capacity continues to grow at pace, we expect to see improvements.”

Lord Bethell, the testing minister, acknowledged: “We do know that more needs to be done.”

Social care on brink of collapse as it faces £7bn-a-year shortfall

The English social care system urgently needs £7 billion a year to prevent a collapse as the pandemic pushes the sector further into a funding crisis, MPs have warned.

[Look at penultimate paragraph – Owl]

Katie Gibbons www.thetimes.co.uk

The emergency boost would be a “starting point” to avoid a disaster and is not enough fully to address unmet need, according to a report by the Commons health and social care committee.

If £7 billion were provided for social care it would help to avert a market collapse caused by providers prioritising people who can pay, it said.

The sector will face further pressure from new legislation, reported last night, that will ban care homes from employing staff across multiple sites to limit the spread of Covid-19.

The MPs said in their report to ministers that the social care system perpetuated a profound unfairness because some conditions were ineligible for basic social care. Budget cuts have meant that local authorities restrict funding to those in the most severe need, leaving others to pay for themselves, rely on family or go without.

The committee has called for the social care reform package to be brought forward before the end of the financial year and for the government to publish a ten-year plan for the sector. It also supports a cap of £46,000 on how much a person pays for care during their life. It estimates that this would cost about £3.1 billion by 2023-24.

The charity Age UK understands that 1.4 million older people are not getting the care and support they need, up by 19 per cent in two years. The report said that the means-tested system should be scrapped as it was unfair, confusing, demeaning and frightening for people in need of care and their families.

Anyone with assets of more than £14,250 has to pay for their own social care. The wife of one patient, who had dementia diagnosed in his sixties and found himself without financial support, told MPs: “It is like picking up a random card from a pack and saying, ‘Oh, you’ve got this particular one. Tough. That’s the disease the NHS isn’t going to pay for.’”

Jeremy Hunt, the committee chairman, said: “The government must use the spending review to raise the annual adult social care budget [to] meet the catastrophic care costs faced by people with dementia or other neurological conditions. To address wider issues the sector needs a ten-year plan and a people plan just like the NHS.”

Nick Ville, director of policy at the NHS Confederation, said: “The government must urgently provide the funding the sector needs, to avoid leaving hundreds of thousands of people without care and keep those who look after them in work.”

The plans to restrict where care staff work would mean that they had to sign exclusive contracts for one home, The Daily Telegraph said. Helen Whateley, the care minister, said last week that there was evidence the virus had been spread in April by staff working at several sites. The practice is discouraged.

There have been concerns, however, that such restrictions could exacerbate a staffing crisis. A quarter of staff are on zero-hour contracts and low wages mean many take on multiple jobs.

Leaked documents also show that care homes have been asked to volunteer beds for discharged Covid-19 patients, despite no independent assurance of safety. Councils sent a questionnaire to care homes last week, according to papers seen by Amnesty International.

A Department of Health and Social Care spokesman said: “Our priority is to prevent infections in care homes and we are working with the Care Quality Commission (CQC) and the NHS to ensure everyone discharged to a care home has an up-to-date Covid-19 test result and anyone positive is discharged to a care home CQC has assured is able to provide safe care.”

STUDY: Sidmouth’s crumbling seafront could claim clifftop homes ‘within 20 years’

Heavy erosion could claim clifftop homes in Sidmouth within the next 20 years, a research paper has warned.

The news could be devastating to the smattering of home owners in Cliff Road, which lines the top of Sidmouth’s crumbling cliffs over East Beach.

[East Devon District Council Planning Policy Coastal change extensive briefing paper can be found here.]

Beth Sharp sidmouth.nub.news

Heavy erosion could claim clifftop homes in Sidmouth within the next 20 years, a research paper has warned.

The news could be devastating to the smattering of home owners in Cliff Road, which lines the top of Sidmouth’s crumbling cliffs over East Beach.

Several huge cliff falls have been reported in Sidmouth in recent years, and now a research paper published by Plymouth University has indicated the homes could be at risk of falling into the sea within two decades.

However, residents have been told the report is based on a ‘worst case scenario’, which includes an additional 10 metre buffer zone.

This also means erosion is likely to be lower than the rate predicted by the university, especially if a multi-million sea defence scheme – Sidmouth Beach Management Plan (BMP) – is put into force.

East Devon District Council’s (EDDC) Strategic Planning Committee met on Tuesday (October 20) and considered a report on a pilot study undertaken by the university in partnership with the Environment Agency, Natural England and the Marine Management Organisation.

The university’s report estimates erosion occurring at roughly ten times the rate previously envisioned by EDDC, with an erosion rate of at least two metres per year.

It indicates the path to the new Alma Bridge could disappear in about five years, that houses in Beatlands Road, Laskeys Lane and Southway may be lost in 30 or 40 years, and that Hillside Road residences will come under threat in less than 100 years.

The report said that within less than 50 years the sea will have reached beyond the weir at the northern end of The Ham, and beyond the old boatpark and Sensory Garden.

However, the study has used a new method – an algorithm using recent data – for predicting coastal change.

East Devon has been used as a case study.

The new algorithmic method gives a more detailed assessment than that included in the Shoreline Management Plan adopted by EDDC in 2011, which predicted the Cliff Road homes would not be at risk for 100 years, notwithstanding the loss of nearly all of their gardens.

Sidmouth Chamber of Commerce (CoC) attended Tuesday’s Meeting and said a report using previously untried mathematical techniques was not something to be relied upon, urging people to not put too much faith in the document.

A CoC spokesperson said: “We are suspicious of this document and its methodology; we think it is misrepresenting the situation and needs to be treated with great caution.

“So we urge everyone not to become alarmed or over-react…

“Nevertheless, we understand its significance and its implications for the Beach Management Plan.

“The chamber called for the current BMP ‘Preferred Option’ to be abandoned and other options considered.

“We described the proposed groyne at the end of East Beach as ‘feeble’ and not designed to cope with the scale of erosion envisaged by the Plymouth paper.”

The Strategic Planning Committee noted the new report and recommended that householders in the relevant areas be advised of the university’s work, and its possible implications.

This report will form part of the evidence for East Devon’s new Local Plan and will only be used as a planning ‘tool’ to assist planners in assessing development in coastal areas in the future.

Recommendations have been made for the council’s cabinet to consider the wider implications of the research as soon as possible.

Cllr Dan Ledger, who is responsible for strategic planning at EDDC, said: “The study has far reaching implications for many property owners and users of the coastline that will need further consideration in the future.

“In the meantime it is good to know that we have up-to-date information on this important issue for many communities in East Devon to inform the new Local Plan for the district.

“This is an opportunity for us to debate and plan how we need to prepare.

“We will be talking to our partners, including the Environment Agency, seeking their help in adapting for future coastal change.”

What is the Sidmouth Beach Management Plan preferred option?

The preferred option for the Sidmouth BMP would see a new groyne installed on East Beach, 200 metres east of the River Sid, and the splash wall raised to up to a metre along the promenade.

The £9million project would also incorporate importing shingle on both East and Sidmouth beach.