‘There was just no choice’: The 36 hours that forced Boris Johnson to put the brakes on

“Downing Street insisted on Friday night that the Prime Minister and his team had acted on the data, seemingly showing a 63 per cent rise in infections in just two weeks, with a decisiveness critical to keeping on top of Covid-19.”

 

By Robert Mendick, Chief Reporter www.telegraph.co.uk 

When it landed on Boris Johnson’s desk on Wednesday evening, the data made for grim reading.

According to the latest Office for National Statistics (ONS) report, coronavirus, suppressed for months under a strict lockdown, was on its way back.

“The ONS surveillance data was the clincher,” said a senior Cabinet source by way of explanation for the dramatic – opponents claimed chaotic – turn of events that followed.

Downing Street insisted on Friday night that the Prime Minister and his team had acted on the data, seemingly showing a 63 per cent rise in infections in just two weeks, with a decisiveness critical to keeping on top of Covid-19.

Within 36 hours of receiving the ONS data, swathes of the north of England had been thrown into a new, partial lockdown and Mr Johnson was forced, as he put it in a televised address on Friday, to “squeeze the brake pedal” across the rest of the nation.

But even MPs within the Conservative Party’s own ranks, as well as much of the rest of the country, were left wondering what had just happened.

The writing had been on the wall earlier in the week with warnings from the Prime Minister that continental Europe was seeing “signs of a second wave”.

Anybody aware that Britain is two weeks behind countries such as Spain and France could have done the maths.

But at 9.16pm on Thursday, Matt Hancock, the Health Secretary, tweeted the first in a series of Whitehall bombshells, culminating, 15 hours later, in Mr Johnson’s “brakes on” press conference.

“We’re constantly looking at the latest data on the spread of coronavirus, and unfortunately we’ve seen an increasing rate of transmission in parts of Northern England,” Mr Hancock posted in advance of an order that would come into effect only two hours and 44 minutes later.

From midnight, households in Greater Manchester, Bradford, Blackburn with Darwen and six other local authority areas were banned from mixing indoors, or even in the garden.

About four million people were affected, with all this coming on the eve of the biggest Muslim festival of the year, Eid al-Adha – equivalent to cancelling Christmas just as children were putting out their stockings and taking themselves off to bed on Christmas Eve.

Public health officials had examined the data at their own meeting inside the Department of Health on Wednesday – called “silver command” – and it was escalated the next day at a “gold command” meeting, chaired by Mr Hancock and attended by Professor Chris Whitty, England’s chief medical adviser, and Baroness Harding, in charge of the coronavirus test and trace system.

‘The urgency of it was clear’

Immediately after “gold command” ended (at about 6pm on Thursday, according to sources), Mr Johnson convened his own Covid Operations committee – known as “Covid O” – to consider the options.

The Prime Minister chaired the meeting in the Cabinet room, with his Health Secretary alongside him, joined by Priti Patel, the Home Secretary, and Prof Whitty. Other members of “Covid O” joined by Zoom, including Cabinet ministers Michael Gove and Rishi Sunak and Sir Patrick Vallance, the chief scientific adviser.

The group was in agreement. A partial northern lockdown (see graphic below) was needed urgently – Eid was to begin the next day and was likely to see thousands of households mingling in joyous celebration – and a further easing of restrictions on August 1 countermanded. England would be going backwards.

On Friday, Mr Hancock was clear that the restrictions on the north had nothing to do with Eid.

In an interview with the Today programme on Friday, he replied when asked if the festival was a factor: “No – my heart goes out to the Muslim communities in these areas because I know how important the Eid celebrations are.”

However, two separate sources have said Eid was discussed at “gold command” on Thursday, but it was agreed that no ministers would mention it in public, fearful of stirring a far-right Islamophobic backlash as well as causing distress in the Muslim community.

A Government source said: “Ministers are very, very alive to the sensitivities of this, given the significance of Eid to the Muslim community. There was just no choice – the urgency of it was clear.”

The source said there was an urgent need to keep households apart, adding: “The point about the data is that what it is showing is household transmission – it’s not about the level it is at now but about where this could lead.”

Mr Hancock raised concern privately that over-emphasising the importance of Eid as a factor could inflame racial tensions.

Another senior Government source said: “There was a massive amount of work being done round Eid, so we were already alive to that. But we were also aware of the downside of doing it the night before Eid, because of the impact that it has.”

Infection rates (see graphic below), the source said, were also high among people of Indian, Polish and Eastern European backgrounds.

“The data from test and trace was clear – the spikes were showing a lack of social distancing within households, and between nearby households,” said a source.

Ministers had already been informed that locking down areas at Eid could stoke tensions. Sage papers released on Friday show that a report from SPI-B Policing and Security sub-Group had warned that local lockdowns would be “potentially problematic” during the festival.

Tory MPs ‘were furious’

Time was running out. At just after 6pm on Thursday, northern MPs were sent an email, posted out by Viriginia Crosbie, an MP and aide to the health minister Helen Whately, advising them there would be a conference call with the minister and with Baroness Harding at 6.30pm.

Some MPs, not knowing who Virginia Crosbie was, either ignored it or hadn’t spotted it as they prepared for a sunny weekend ahead.

Mr Hancock texted at 6.29pm, a minute before the Zoom conference, urging them to tune in. At 6.30pm, the minister talked the MPs through the northern lockdown. Many of them, including a number of Tories holding marginal former “Red Wall” Labour seats, went apoplectic.

“They were furious. They were calling it an outrage. One of them was all over the place, screaming his head off,” said a Labour MP who witnessed the row unfold. “These are Tories who think Boris Johnson can do no wrong, and you could see the scales falling from their eyes.

“Once they got past their anger, they began asking fairly simple questions – and the minister’s answers were completely confused. I got the impression the decision had only just been made.”

Sir Graham Brady, the chairman of the Conservative backbench 1922 committee and the MP for Altrincham and Sale West, said: “These new restrictions have been introduced over a large area, even though there are massive variations in infection rates. It is unfortunate that these restrictions were introduced so quickly and without consultation.”

Another senior Tory, with an affected northern seat, said: “I just think there remains a default position of extreme caution which jars with the reality that we may have to live with Covid for a very long time and we have to get on with life.”

Local officials and police caught cold

Local authority leaders discovered the new measures at about 7pm. Alyson Barnes, the Labour leader of Rossendale Borough Council, said it was hard to take being dragged into a lockdown when the area had recorded just four positive test results in a week.

The largely rural council is wedged between hotspots in Greater Manchester and Blackburn, but she believes the timing was significant. “I think Eid was the propellant,” she said. “I cannot think it is anything else than Eid. They [ministers] are telling us all to stay at home, but they wouldn’t have done it at Christmas.”

Analysis by The Telegraph shows that more than 2.7 million people in northern England woke up to fresh lockdown restrictions despite living in neighbourhoods which have had fewer than four confirmed cases in the last 14 days.

In Rossendale, the overall infection rate is just 4.2 new cases per 100,000 people over the most recent week of data.

Police were also caught cold by Mr Hancock’s announcement. Just two hours before they were due to go on shift, police officers in West Yorkshire were finding out from social media that they would have to apply strict, if not entirely clear, new restrictions.

Brian Booth, the chairman of the West Yorkshire Police Federation, said: “This came totally out of the blue, and we were left with just two hours to work out how how we were going to apply the new rules.

“We are talking about areas and communities where there are already tensions around policing, and our officers do not want to get things wrong and end up making things worse.”

At the “Covid O” meeting in the Cabinet Office that followed “gold command”, the Prime Minister decided to impose the northern lockdown that night but save the decision to scrap plans to relax measures further until the press conference the next day.

Officials then “worked through the night and Friday morning” to prepare the nationwide measures, which included ditching an easing on wedding rules to allow up to 30 guests.

The Cabinet was then told of the measures by the Prime Minister in a Zoom call on Friday morning, followed by a briefing with the devolved administrations and another with opposition leaders. Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland’s First Minister, announced, in response, a ban on Scottish residents visiting England’s north.

There was still confusion, though. One senior MP was called by Mr Hancock and seemingly assured that weddings with 30 guests were still on the table, only for Mr Johnson to cull that three hours later.

At the televised Downing Street press conference, while the Prime Minister was telling the nation it was time to put on the brakes, Prof Whitty, standing alongside him, was seemingly hitting reverse.

“We have probably reached or neared the limits of what we can do in terms of opening up society,” he said, adding that it was now wrong to  think “we can open up everything  and keep the virus under control”.

On some readings of the data though, the correct course of action is, less clear.

The ONS estimated that 35,700 people in England were infected with Covid-19 between July 20 and July 26, or one in 1,500 people. The week before, statisticians had calculated around 27,700 were infected, or about one in 2,000.

However, the ONS data has been jumping around wildly since surveillance testing began, ironically because cases in the community are so low. On June 25, cases were worse than they are now – at one in 1,100 – and a fortnight later had swung to one in 3,900.

The new calculation is based on just 59 people testing positive out of 116,026 swab tests (0.05 per cent). The previous week, just 45 people tested positive out of 114,674 (0.39 per cent). It means the tipping point for a northern lockdown may have rested on just 14 extra positive tests.

The ONS also admitted it was unable to spot any concrete regional differences. In fact, its data showed the north-west as having one of the lowest incidences of Covid-19, while suggesting cases were rising in the East Midlands and London.

Dr Daniel Lawson, a lecturer in statistical science in the School of Mathematics at the University of Bristol, said politicians were being forced to grapple with huge uncertainty and were fearful of acting too late.

“The ONS survey data provides some evidence of an increase. But there is a difficulty in measurement,” said Dr Lawson. But he had every sympathy for ministers, warning: “Acting too late can make lockdowns longer and increase mortality.”

Boris Johnson is taking no chances.

New daily COVID cases remain stable in the UK

covid.joinzoe.com 

COVID in the population remains stable across the UK

According to the latest COVID Symptom Study app figures, there are currently 2,110 daily new cases of COVID in the UK on average over the two weeks up to 25 July 2020 (excluding care homes) [*]. The latest figures were based on the data from 13,063 swab tests done between 12 July to 25 July. A full regional breakdown can be found here.

The latest figures suggest that the number of daily new cases in the UK population is currently stable, as the number has remained around the 2,000 mark for the past few weeks. The data also highlights that the surge in numbers that was seen in the North of England has now stopped.

The latest prevalence figures estimate that 29,174 people currently have symptomatic COVID in the UK. The prevalence data over the last few weeks also suggests that the amount of symptomatic COVID in the UK population has remained stable. The numbers are still higher in the North of England but the numbers have not increased since last week.

The COVID Symptom Study app’s prevalence estimate is still within the confidence bounds of the most recent and smaller ONS Infection survey two weeks ago with an estimated 27,700 people (95% credible interval: 18,500 to 39,900) in England during the one week period from the 13-19 July 2020.

This week, the COVID Symptom Study’s Watch List identifies an updated top 10 Upper Tier Local Authority (UTLA) regions to watch. These are the regions that have the highest estimates of symptomatic COVID in the past week. A number of regions remain in the top 10 again this week, including Blackburn with Darwen, Kirklees, Rotherham and Blackpool. The Welsh regions like Wrexham and Neath Port Talbot have dropped out of the top 10 and have been replaced with more northern regions including, Wigan and Wakefield.

Tim Spector, Professor of Genetic Epidemiology at King’s College London, comments: 

“The numbers are holding steady for now. From last week, we have seen the Welsh regions doing much better and dropping out of the top ten. But now we are seeing the Watch List entirely made up of regions in the North of England. However, it’s not all doom and gloom for the North of England as we have seen the surge in numbers stop, so the data suggest that things are improving.

Interestingly, when we take a look back over the long term plotting of the number of daily new cases we haven’t seen a real decrease since early June. It’s unclear what led to the leveling off but we will continue to keep a close eye on the data to make sure we do detect any potential up tick in numbers in the coming weeks.”

Hinkley Point C: French watchdog fines EDF €5m for false claims on cost

Heart of the South West’s flagship project for solving our economic woes is in trouble again for spreading “false information” on costs. Also:

EDF warned on Thursday of a “high” risk of further delays to the project due to the coronavirus pandemic, which could push back Hinkley’s start-up date to 2027 and raise costs further.

Jillian Ambrose www.theguardian.com 

The French market watchdog has levelled a €5m (£4.5m) fine against the energy giant EDF for misleading investors about the cost of the Hinkley Point C new nuclear project.

The regulators found that the French state-owned energy company spread “false information” about its agreement with the UK government to build Britain’s first nuclear reactors in more than 20 years.

The AMF, France’s financial markets authority, said the company may have set EDF’s share price “at an abnormal or artificial level” by claiming in a news release dated October 2014 that the terms of its deal with the UK government were “unchanged” from the 2013 agreement.

“There had in fact been significant changes to the financing plan by guaranteed debt,” according to the AMF.

They also levelled a €50,000 fine of €50,000 against Henri Proglio, EDF’s chief executive officer at the time, for overseeing the company’s failure to disclose key changes to the Hinkley Point contract.

The fine was handed down amid growing frustration in France over the “unacceptable” delays and cost overruns at the Hinkley Point project, which EDF is building alongside the Chinese nuclear company CGN.

EDF, which declined to comment on the fine, warned on Thursday of a “high” risk of further delays to the project due to the coronavirus pandemic, which could push back Hinkley’s start-up date to 2027 and raise costs further.

The project was forecast to cost £18bn when it received the green light from the UK government in 2016, but EDF estimates the costs have since climbed to between £21.5bn and £22.5bn.

In the UK, concerns over China’s involvement in the project are steadily rising as diplomatic tensions between China and western nations continue to mount.

EDF hopes to build a follow-up project with its Chinese partners at Sizewell B on the Suffolk coast, but the UK government has delayed plans to set a new financing framework for the project while MPs within the Conservative party call for a review of China’s involvement in Britain’s nuclear ambitions.

Big money politics is ripe for funding reform

Philip Collins www.thetimes.co.uk 
If every party donor were like Stuart Wheeler then British politics would have no funding problem. But they are not and it does. Mr Wheeler, who died last week, was generous with his fortune in pursuit of causes he championed but, in his singular and remarkable way, he wanted nothing in return beyond victory for his ideas. When Mr Wheeler offered £5 million to William Hague’s Conservative Party in 2001 it was on the strict condition that he should receive no honour, direct influence or favour of any kind.

Few donors, however, have such pure motives. Most gifts to political parties are offered on the basis that there should be a return. The exchange is never explicit and very often donors end up disappointed. But there is no doubt that many donations are offered in the hope that a place in the House of Lords, or some favourable policy, might be forthcoming.

This is why it matters, as the intelligence and security committee’s report on Russia pointed out, that political parties are exempt from the requirement for transactions of more than £10,000 to be reported to the National Crime Agency. The report showed that “several members of the Russian elite . . . are identified as being involved with charitable and/or political organisations in the UK, having donated to political parties . . .”. The coffers of the Conservative Party, for example, have been replenished by gifts of £1.7 million from Lubov Chernukhin, whose husband is a former deputy finance minister in Moscow. In 2014 Ms Chernukhin paid £160,000 to have a game of tennis with Boris Johnson and David Cameron. Alexander Temerko, a former Russian oil executive, has also donated a great deal to the Conservatives. Brandon Lewis, the Northern Ireland secretary, Alok Sharma, the business secretary, Simon Hart, the Wales secretary, Rishi Sunak, the chancellor, Robert Buckland, the justice secretary, and Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the international development secretary, have all received funding from these sources.

The problem with this is less exotic than it looks at first sight. The point at issue here is not nationality. Ms Chernukhin and Mr Temerko are British citizens and all the donations are clearly within the rules. The problem is that rich people can buy access and influence. That is how our politics is funded. We need political parties and they need to be funded in order to be able to operate. Yet we do not like the way we do it. Seventy-five per cent of respondents to a survey by the Electoral Reform Society said they thought donors had too much influence on our politics. Sixty-five per cent said they thought knighthoods were up for sale and 61 per cent believe that the system of party funding is corrupt.

Yet it is a lot easier to complain about party funding than to know how to fix it. The amount that any individual or organisation can give could be capped at a low level but this will inevitably lead to a funding shortfall. In 2011, Labour’s general secretary told the Committee on Standards in Public Life that the party would have folded if a proposed cap on donations of £50,000 had been introduced years earlier. Such a limit would reduce the influence purchased but, unless the public start making voluntary donations to political parties in their millions, it halts the necessary funds.

The only other option is to lay the burden on the taxpayer, which is hardly the most popular of options. It is, in fact, standard practice in many places for the taxpayer to make a direct contribution to the funding of democracy. In Germany it is written into the federal constitution that any party gaining more than 1 per cent of the vote is entitled to state funding up to a maximum of 50 per cent of its income. About a third of party income in Germany comes from taxpayers. Popular outrage after a series of funding scandals led the French, in 1988, to introduce public funding. The Australians did the same in 1984 and Canada did likewise in 2003.

Britain actually has its own version of state funding already. Since 1975, the official opposition has been given a grant which is known as Short money in the House of Commons, and Cranborne money in the House of Lords. Opposition parties receive £18,044.80 for every seat won at the last election plus £36.04 for every 200 votes gained by the party. They are entitled to travel expenses of £198,231.77 between them, apportioned in line with the number of votes won. The opposition leader’s office is awarded £840,712.01 towards running costs. Sometimes, when opposition parties are shunned by donors, these sums mean they become, in effect, state-funded. Between 2001 and 2003, the Tories received more in public grants than in private donations. The argument about state funding is not whether we should introduce it. It’s about whether we should extend it.

There is a strong argument that the financial weakness of a party is a consequence of its political weakness rather than a cause. The inability of the Labour Party, since the departure of Tony Blair, to attract much funding from business is not just an accident. It is an accurate description of the kind of party that it has become. There is an argument that the need to seek funding from donors is a way of keeping a party honest. It is surely preferable, too, for voluntary associations to be funded out of private resources rather than to rely on public funds.

That said, it is a matter of concern, in a time when the reputation of politics is low, that such a critical discipline should be thought to be corrupt. The ideal outcome would be a cap on donations, complete transparency for all gifts — and not just those above £7,500 as at present — but sufficient breadth of donors that enough money comes in. But if that does not produce a formula that makes democratic politics possible there is only one way to solve the problem and that is to call on public funds. State funding of political parties is a rotten idea but it may not be quite as rotten as bankrupt politics.

When William Hague received Stuart Wheeler’s donation and the insistence that there must be no strings attached, he is said to have grinned and said that it was rather like a visit from Father Christmas. Stuart’s wife Tessa apparently phoned one of their daughters to let her know. “Darling,” she said, “we have to face facts. We are now the wife and daughter of a madman.” They weren’t. They were the wife and daughter of a good man. There are never enough like him and there is one fewer now he is gone.

Extending help-to-buy will only make the housing crisis worse 

“Help-to-buy was premised on the idea that the problem of unaffordable house prices could be solved by making it easier for potential buyers to access a mortgage. But given that mortgage lending is a key driver of house prices, the scheme always risked pushing up prices further, thus benefiting existing owners rather than new buyers. Predictably, this is exactly what has happened.”

Laurie Macfarlane, economics editor at openDemocracy and a fellow at the UCL Institute of Innovation and Public Purpose  www.theguardian.com 

In moments of crisis, British chancellors have often resorted to throwing money at the housing market. Behind the slick PR machine, Rishi Sunak appears to be following the same old playbook. After cutting stamp duty in July’s summer statement, the chancellor is now reportedly planning to extend the help-to-buy scheme, which was due to be scaled back later this year and phased out entirely by 2023.

In Britain, we’ve seen our fair share of disastrous policies in recent years, but few have been as predictably self-defeating as help-to-buy. Introduced by George Osborne in 2013 as a means of helping people onto the housing ladder, it was clear from the outset that the policy would do more harm than good.

Help-to-buy was premised on the idea that the problem of unaffordable house prices could be solved by making it easier for potential buyers to access a mortgage. But given that mortgage lending is a key driver of house prices, the scheme always risked pushing up prices further, thus benefiting existing owners rather than new buyers. Predictably, this is exactly what has happened.

Since 2013, average house prices have increased by 38% – far outstripping growth in average wages. This has increased the value of the existing housing stock by more than £2tn – a handsome windfall for those lucky enough to share a slice of it.

Although the scheme has supported around 272,000 property transactions, a recent National Audit Office report found that 63% of people buying a home under the scheme could have done so without help from the state. Earlier this year, the Financial Conduct Authority warned that help-to-buy customers are more exposed to changes in “economic conditions”, and face a greater risk of negative equity.

Seven years after the scheme was introduced, the prospect of home-ownership remains little more than a pipe dream for millions of households. The combination of surging house prices and stagnant wage growth has priced a whole generation out of the market. Today, those in their mid-30s to mid-40s are three times more likely to rent than 20 years ago.

For those stuck in the private rental market, the proportion of income spent on housing costs has risen dramatically from around 10% in 1980 to nearly 40% today – among the highest in Europe. And it is here that we find the dark side of Britain’s housing story.

While economists and politicians hail a booming housing market as a sign of wealth creation, in reality it’s one of the most powerful forms of wealth redistribution. When the value of a house goes up the total productive capacity of the economy is unchanged, because nothing new has been produced: it merely constitutes an increase in the value of an existing asset. While this increases the net wealth of individual homeowners, for everyone else it means facing higher rents in the rental market, and having to save more to take out a larger mortgage.

The reality is that the housing ladder is rather like a zero-sum game: the wealth enjoyed by some is mirrored by the deprivation and exclusion of others. In Britain, it’s about time we confronted this uncomfortable truth.

There was a time when increasing access to mortgages helped to spread the benefits of homeownership. But this always had diminishing returns: as banks have become ever more addicted to mortgage lending, a powerful feedback loop has emerged between mortgage lending, house prices and levels of household debt. Extending Help to Buy would be like trying to kick a drug habit by going on one final binge. It might delay the ultimate day of reckoning, but it will make the underlying problem much worse.

The biggest winners would be private developers, for whom help-to-buy has always represented an unprecedented gold rush. In response to the subsidies provided by the scheme, developers simply increased the price of new developments by the same amount, pocketing the difference. Help-to-buy subsidies have poured billions into the coffers of Britain’s large developers, leading to record-breaking profits and eyewatering bonuses. That these companies are among the loudest voices calling for the policy to be extended should serve as an obvious warning.

Help-to-buy is not the only policy that has contributed to Britain’s housing crisis, but it embodies the kind of doublethink that has long shaped British housing policy. Although intended to get more people on the housing ladder, the scheme has kicked the ladder ever further out of reach. Despite being designed to boost housing supply, the scheme has empowered private developers whose business model depends on releasing new homes at a painfully slow rate.

With Covid-19 further exposing Britain’s stark housing divides, the need to chart a new course has never been more urgent. The long term-aim must be to return to a society where houses are viewed as somewhere to live, not as vehicles for accumulating wealth. This means weaning ourselves off our addiction to house price growth, and embracing a new public-led approach to development.

Achieving this won’t be easy: it means taking on the unholy alliance of private developers, banks and – most difficult of all – ordinary homeowners, many of whom now view ever-rising house prices as normal and just. This requires careful handling, and a plan for moving forwards one step a time. If the chancellor is serious about tackling the housing crisis, then scrapping help-to-buy in its entirety would be a very good place to start.

MDDC’s Lib Dems call for Greater Exeter Strategic Plan pause

Could Mid Devon District Councillors be about to show the same courage as those in East Devon? – Owl

By Lewis Clarke www.inyourarea.co.uk 

Discussion is due to be held when it comes to Mid Devon District Council (MDDC) Cabinet for approval at the next meeting on Thursday, August 6 2020.

Liberal Democrats in Mid Devon will be asking members of the ruling Cabinet to immediately pause involvement in the current Greater Exeter Strategic Plan (GESP).

Discussion is due to be held when it comes to Mid Devon District Council (MDDC) Cabinet for approval at the next meeting on Thursday, August 6 2020.

The call comes in light of the recent decision by East Devon councillors to recommend withdrawing from GESP at a meeting held on July 23.

Luke Taylor, leader of the Liberal group on the Council, said: “Due to the momentous decision of East Devon Councillors to recommend withdrawing from GESP, it is only right that we ask to immediately pause our involvement in Mid Devon with GESP to understand the full ramifications of this potential decision by East Devon.

“It would not be right to continue the process when one of the key members of GESP is potentially about to pull out of the process. It will have a huge impact on Mid Devon going forward, and we must understand the full implications before proceeding any further.”

Currently, Mid Devon Council is controlled by Independent councillors supported by the Liberal Democrats.

Permission Accomplished – Assessing corruptions risks in local government planning

Permission Accomplished – Assessing corruptions risks in local government planning

Transparency International have just published their latest report on corruption in planning in England under the above title.

Long standing readers of local blogs such as “Sidmouth Independent News” may recall a 2013 report by the same organisation entitled “Scaring the living daylights out of people”  – the Local Lobby and the failure of Democracy – with a whole chapter devoted to East Devon: [Chapter III. ‘The Local Mafia’ Conflicts of interest in East Devon].

Overall, nothing very much has changed.

The publication comes just as EDDC’s Strategic Planning Committee has recommended withdrawal from the Greater Exeter Strategic Plan (GESP) largely because of the lack of transparency involved in the process of what is seen as a “Developers’ Charter”. It also coincides with an article published on East Devon Watch that discusses the improvements to transparency and public involvement that could be made in the planning “Pre-Application” process. That article concluded that  public trust must be at the forefront of Planning.

After this  short summary Owl reproduces the full set of recommendations – How does East Devon measure up?

 www.transparency.org.uk

This report focusses on specific corruption risks in major planning decisions, an area where there is often a large amount of money at stake. It is also very contentious, with many new developments resulting in a net loss of social and genuinely affordable housing, which in many areas are in short supply.

To understand what could undermine openness in the planning process and what local authorities are doing to stop this, we have collected evidence from across England. Although there are some examples of good practice, generally the results make for a worrying read.

Unminuted, closed-door meetings with developers and excessive hospitality undoubtedly undermine confidence in the planning process, yet too many local authorities have weak rules to stop this from happening. Even fewer councils have control measures for major conflicts of interest, with far too many decision-makers also working for developers on the side. Moreover, when councillors behave badly, there are no clear or meaningful sanctions available to councils that could act as an effective deterrent against serious misconduct by them or others in the future.

To address these issues we propose ten practical solutions, none of which are beyond the means of those who need to implement them. All reinforce existing guidance and good practice recommended by anti-fraud and corruption initiatives here and internationally. Some even reflect existing practice in particular parts of the UK, such as Scotland.

Report recommendations in full

External engagement

 RISK 1: THE PERCEPTION OR REALITY THAT DECISIONS ARE UNDULY INFLUENCED BEHIND CLOSED DOORS OR IN RETURN FOR PAYMENTS IN CASH OR IN-KIND

 Lobbying transparency

 Holding meetings behind closed doors fuels suspicion about the integrity of important planning decisions.

 Recommendation 1: Minute and publish all meetings with developers and their agents for major developments. To help provide greater confidence in interactions with those seeking planning consent, councils should ensure all meetings between councillors, developers and their agents in major planning decisions are:

  • attended by at least one council official,
  • recorded in detailed notes, and
  • published online with the planning application file.

Managing gifts and hospitality

Those involved in planning decisions accepting gifts and hospitality from developers or their agents can easily give rise to the perception that their judgement is being unduly influenced.

 Recommendation 2: Prohibit those involved in making planning decisions from accepting gifts and hospitality that risk undermining the integrity of the planning process. To help prevent the perception of undue influence over planning decisions, councillors should be prohibited from accepting any gifts and hospitality that could give rise to:

  • real or substantive personal gain; or 
  • reasonable suspicion of favour or advantage being sought.

Reporting gifts and hospitality

Inconsistent reporting thresholds for gifts and hospitality that are accepted provide confusion for the public and councillors (especially those ‘double hatting’ i.e.  councillors in district and county councils). Also, publishing registers of gifts and hospitality as PDFs and in other nonmachine-readable formats do not meet good practice standards for transparency.

Recommendation 3: Increase transparency over gifts and hospitality. To help present a clear and consistent view of corruption risks across local government, local authorities should be required by law to establish a register of gifts and hospitality. This should apply to all gifts and hospitality over a value of £50, or totalling £100 over a year from a single source.

 This should apply to anything received by all councillors, their family members, or associates that could reasonably be regarded as given in relation to the councillor’s role as an elected official.

We support the CSPL’s (Committee for standards in Public Life) recommendation that local authorities should publish registers of gifts and hospitality as structured open data – for example, a CSV format that can be opened in an Excel spreadsheet – and maintain them in a central location on their websites.

Leadership from industry

The lobbying industry sets out its code for managing its members’ conduct, but this should be improved to help reduce the risk of it being implicated in future impropriety.

Recommendation 4: Stronger leadership from the industry on ethical lobbying The Public Affairs Board (PAB) should include explicit provisions within the public affairs code to:

  • Require members to conduct engagements with elected or public officials openly and transparently.
  • Prohibit members giving any gifts and hospitality to elected or public officials that could give rise to a real or substantive personal gain; or a reasonable suspicion of favour or advantage being sought.

Managing private interests

RISK 2: THE PERCEPTION OR REALITY THAT COUNCILLORS ARE PUTTING THEIR PRIVATE INTERESTS OVER THE PUBLIC’S

Financial interest transparency

If a councillor has other outside employment and interests, which is not unusual, these should be made available for public scrutiny. This is required by law. However, publishing registers of financial interests as PDFs and other non-machine-readable formats do not meet good practice standards for transparency. Financial interest registers that are poorly formatted and decentralised limit the public’s ability to properly hold elected officials to account. The more easily accessible they are the greater transparency and accountability there is over these interests In some instances declaring interests is not sufficient enough and councillors should not be involved in a decision due to apparent bias

Recommendation 5: Improved management of financial interests. To help improve the management of potential conflicts of interest, we support the CSPL’s recommendations that:

  • Councils should publish registers of financial interests as structured open data – for example, a CSV format that can be opened in an Excel spreadsheet – and maintain them in a central location on their websites.
  • Section 31 of the Localism Act is repealed and replaced with a new requirement for councillors to remove themselves from decisions where there it can reasonably be regarded that they hold a significant conflict of interest that could prejudice their judgement.8 Managing conflicts of interest with current outside employment It is not good practice to allow elected officials to lobby or provide advice on lobbying other elected officials. Permitting this creates the obvious risk that they abuse their position for their commercial benefit and the private gain of their clients, potentially at the public’s expense.

Recommendation 6: Prohibit all councillors from undertaking lobbying or advisory work relating to their duties on behalf of clients. To help provide confidence that councillors are working in the public interest, members should be prohibited from:

  • lobbying councils on behalf of paying clients, and
  • providing paid advice on how to influence councils. The PAB should also amend its code of conduct to, as soon as reasonably practicable, prohibit its members from employing sitting councillors, as it does for other forms of elective office. Managing the revolving door Moving through the revolving door between public and private office can be beneficial to both sides, improving understanding and communication between public officials and business, and allowing sharing of expertise. However, the revolving door brings risks that the interests of past or prospective employers could influence officials in their decisions.

Recommendation 7:Manage the revolving door between the elective office and private business. To help reduce the risk of councillors abusing their movement between public and private office, local authorities should:

  • Provide advice, guidance and training to those involved in making decisions on planning applications about the risks involved.
  • Prohibit those who have recently worked as lobbyists for developers, or for developers seeking planning permission (for example within the prior two years), from sitting on planning committees or receiving executive responsibilities relating to planning.
  • Require councillors to report any offers of employment to their Monitoring Officer, including details of any interaction they have had with their prospective employer.

Regulating conduct

 RISK 3: WEAK OVERSIGHT DOES NOT PREVENT OR DETER MISCONDUCT

Clear advice, guidance and protocols

There are some good examples of local authorities providing mandatory training and clear guidelines on conduct for those involved in making planning decisions. However, there are still many that do not.

 Recommendation 8: Provide clear guidance and boundaries for councillors so they can better understand what is and is not acceptable behaviour. To inform councillors about the boundaries of acceptable conduct in the planning process, all local authorities should introduce:

  • Compulsory training for those on planning committees or with executive functions relating to planning, including specific modules on ensuring integrity in the process and the factors they should take into account when making a decision.
  • Establish a dedicated planning protocol, with proportionate sanctions for non-compliance.

 Clear and credible deterrents against serious misconduct

In its 2019 report on ethical standards in local government, the CSPL highlighted there are not enough options for sanction when a councillor has committed a serious breach of the rules that falls short of criminal conduct.9 Unless a criminal offence is committed (for example, an offence under the Bribery Act 2010 or the common law offence of misconduct in public office) there are currently insufficient deterrents against particularly egregious behaviour; for example, significant breaches of the rules on declaring financial interests or disclosure of confidential information. Opaque investigations and sanctions in concluded cases of misconduct also weaken the deterrents local authorities have.

 Recommendation 9: Provide a meaningful deterrent for serious breaches of the code of conduct. To provide a meaningful deterrent against impropriety in the planning process, we support the recommendations from the CSPL that Government should legislate to:

  • Give local authorities the power to suspend councillors, without allowances, for up to six months with the ability to appeal the decision to the Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman for England

.• Clarify beyond doubt that local authorities may lawfully bar councillors from council premises or withdraw facilities as sanctions.

  • Require councils to prepare and publish a sanctions policy explaining when they will use their enforcement powers, and what independent safeguards they will use to protect against their abuse

 Recommendation 10:Increase transparency over investigations and enforcement action. To help provide a greater understanding of the level of alleged misconduct and to provide a greater deterrent against future breaches of the rules, local authorities should regularly publish in a central location:

  • Anonymised details about allegations made regarding councillors’ alleged misconduct, including any grounds for rejection; for example, they were malicious or unfounded.
  • Summary statistics on the number of investigations underway, including their status.
  • Full details of substantiated breaches, including the councillor concerned, and any sanctions imposed.

 

Aim of pulling out of the GESP is to protect our countryside – Eileen Wragg

Councillor Eileen Wragg, Chair of Planning East Devon District Council (EDDC), has written this excellent opinion piece which can be found on page 23 in the Exmouth Journal.

Owl has been surprised that the momentous decision made last week by the politically balanced Strategic Planning Committee to recommend EDDC pulls out of the Greater Exeter Strategic Plan (GESP)  has not featured in the Exmouth Journal or, as far as Owl can see, any of the sister papers. The story has been reported on Devonlive and Radioexe.

Post amended 1400 July 31 as a fuller account of Eileen Wragg’s opinion has now been published on-line:

Eileen Wragg, chairman of the East Devon District Council planning committee, writes about the possibility of East Devon pulling out of the Greater Exeter Strategic Plan (GESP)

www.exmouthjournal.co.uk /news/eileen-wragg-column-gesp-plans-1-6770398

Some commercial businesses are going or are gone for good, causing unemployment and economic hardships.

The business of national and local Government has to continue, albeit in different forms, and at East Devon District Council, meetings are taking place using virtual technology with Zoom. Ironically, these are much more accessible to the public who can view them on YouTube.

The present situation was also a factor in a decision taken by EDDC’s Strategic Planning Committee (SPC) on July 23, which voted to pull out of the Greater Exeter Strategic Plan (GESP), which is proposing future development for Exeter, Teignbridge, Mid Devon and East Devon until 2040.

Those proposals are for 53,260 homes to be built between now and then at a rate of 2,663 per year. As a member of the GESP Forum, I found the meetings which I attended over the last year odd events, with officers from the four councils giving presentations, and identifying sites for development which had been put forward by landowners.

It was as though decisions had been made by others, unknown, and felt like a fait accompli, which many of my colleagues and I were bemused by, as ultimately elected councillors are held responsible for those decisions.

In short, the GESP seemed to be driven by landowners and developers. In addition, the plan would override the district councils’ Local Plans and the Town and Parish Councils’ Neighbourhood Plans. One chairman of a neighbourhood plan working group made the point at the SPC meeting that the three years of work which had gone into their plan would have been a waste of time.

Further credence is given to the considerable power of developers is the Prime Minister’s recent statement to “build, build, build “ our way out of the Covid crisis, an excuse for what was already planned anyway!

After a meeting which lasted four hours, with many excellent speakers, the SPC decided not to continue with the GESP, as it is believed that much of the housing would probably be built in East Devon. Who would it be built for anyway? Most people on low incomes, many of whom are young, would not be able to afford them.

Had it not been for a change in the administration at EDDC, it is highly unlikely that the decision to pull out of GESP would have been made.

As the Leader, Cllr Paul Arnott said at full council two months ago: “If your interest is working for friends and allies outside the council, your time is up”.

That was certainly also the message from the SPC. However, that decision has yet to be ratified at the next full council meeting.

That vote will be crucial in our efforts to protect our wonderful countryside, although we will continue to work with the other district councils.

South West R rate is now above 1 – the highest in the country

The South West’s COVID-19 coronavirus ‘R rate’ is likely to have risen above 1 – and is now the highest in the country – according to the latest modelling by the MRC Biostatistics Unit at Cambridge University.

(But read the caveats – Owl)

And the scientists say it is “very likely” that most regions in England are close to the point at which the virus begins to spread exponentially.

The Cambridge model is only one model that feeds into SAGE’s official regional R rate estimate and is released weekly.

However, it should be noted that Government advisers say regional Rs – which estimate the number of people an infected person spreads the virus to – should be viewed with great caution, because they become mathematically uncertain as the number of cases fall.

And the number of cases in Devon and Cornwall remains very low compared other areas in the country – and the South West is still one of the English regions least affected by the virus. Yesterday, there were only 22 people in hospital in the whole of the South West with coronavirus, with none on a ventilator – and only one hospital death anywhere in the South West in the last two weeks.

Nonetheless, the R rate in the South West is now estimated to be 1.04, but could be anywhere between 0.77 and 1.38 – and is higher than anywhere else in the country.

Viruses can begin to spread exponentially if the R rate rises above 1.

REGION Median R rate Lower R rate Higher R rate
South West 1.04 0.77 1.38
South East 1.02 0.81 1.25
North West 0.92 0.69 1.15
North East and Yorkshire 0.9 0.66 1.12
Midlands 0.78 0.58 1
London 0.92 0.66 1.17
East of England 0.88 0.67 1.12

It comes as the number of confirmed new cases of COVID-19 coronavirus in Cornwall tripled in a week to 19, which saw the the rolling seven-day rate of new cases per 100,000 people rise from 0.9 to 3.3.

However, Devon’s – public health director has said rises in rolling new case rate in some of its Local Authority areas are NOT believed to be linked to visitors to the area.

The county saw five new cases confirmed in Torbay and 12 new cases across the rest of Devon, with three in East Devon, five in Exeter, two in Mid Devon, two in North Devon, and one in the South Hams, with no cases in Teignbridge, Torridge or West Devon.

Plymouth also saw a small rise in the new COVID-19 coronavirus case rate. The latest data from Public Health England shows that the rolling seven-day rate of new cases per 100,000 people has risen from 1.5 to 1.9, with five new cases confirmed.

The figures, for the seven days to July 26, are based on tests carried out in laboratories (pillar one of the Government’s testing programme) and in the wider community (pillar two).

Local Authority New cases per 100,000 people in week until July 26 New cases per 100,000 people in week until July 19 Total number of new cases
Cornwall and Isles of Scilly 3.3 0.9 19
North Devon Torbay 2.1 0 2
Torbay 3.7 1.5 5
Mid Devon 2.4 1.2 2
Exeter 3.8 2.3 5
Plymouth 1.9 1.5 5
Torridge 0 0 0
West Devon 0 0 0
South Hams 0 2.3 1
East Devon 2.1 4.2 3
Teignbridge 0.0 0 4.5 0

By comparison, in Blackburn with Darwen, the rate has risen from 81.2 cases per 100,000 people in the seven days to July 19 to 87.3 in the seven days to July 26 – and a total of 130 new cases have been recorded.

But Prime Minister Boris Johnson has warned that “clearly we now face, I’m afraid, the threat of a second wave in other parts of Europe and we just have to be vigilant”.

Health Secretary Matt Hancock also said the figures showed a “second wave starting to roll across Europe”.

So why does R become less useful?

  • When there are few cases, R is impossible to estimate with accuracy and will have wide confidence intervals that are likely to include one. But this does not necessarily mean the epidemic is increasing.
  • As incidence decreases, R will tend towards 1, and has to be evaluated in conjunction with incidence.

R is an average measure. When incidence is low, an outbreak in one place could result in estimates of R for the entire region to become higher than one.

Conversely, small, local outbreaks will not be detected. Estimates of R based on small numbers may also not capture change in the area fast enough to inform policy in a useful way.

Thanks to outsourcing, England’s test and trace system is in chaos 

Covid-19 is unforgiving, it relentlessly, and quickly, exposes bad decisions. That is to be expected. What we surely have a right to expect, however, is a Government that learns from its mistakes rather than compound past errors – Owl

Allyson Pollock www.theguardian.com 

We all know that an effective and integrated find, test, track and trace system is hugely important in tackling the coronavirus outbreak. It’s crucial if we’re going to come out of lockdown safely, prevent a second wave of suffering and see our loved ones again.

Yet Britain’s test and trace programme – lauded by the government as “world-beating” – is about as far from integrated or effective as you can get.

That’s because a key part of it operates not as part of the NHS, but in parallel to it – as a network of commercial, privatised testing labs, drive-through centres and call centres. The chaos this has brought has resulted in huge gaps in information available to local services, causing delays in accessing results and hampering efforts to control the outbreak.

Instead of putting local public health experts and NHS services in charge of contact tracing, the health secretary, Matt Hancock, handed over responsibility to private companies such as the outsourcing giant Serco, which has previously been fined for deaths of workers and members of the public that could have been prevented. The list of problems in the test and trace system is already immense – three data breachespoor training and faulty online administration systems among them.

Despite this convoluted mess of a setup, local health protection teams are delivering. In public hands, teams are tracing far more contacts than the privatised national call centres and online system. They are achieving this even in the face of local public health departments being hampered by lack of access to real-time data on cases in their communities. The health secretary needs to amend the current notification system urgently to ensure test results for all cases are sent to local public health departments and primary care within 24 hours. Lack of timely, detailed data on people testing positive for Covid-19, including postcodes, is currently hindering the work of local authorities and public health departments.

The government’s own emergency science group, Sage, says the target to ensure the virus doesn’t spread further is finding and reaching 80% of all close contacts of symptomatic cases. Yet in Blackburn, where health chiefs are battling a major outbreak, leaked analysis shows that the national tracing service is reaching only 52% of all close contacts.

This privatised system clearly isn’t working – and even the government appears to recognise there are problems. It has appointed the management consultancy firm McKinsey to review the contact tracing service, following many media reports of the system not working well.

Yet despite all this, it still hasn’t published the details of its contracts with the likes of Serco. According to the Treasury, £10bn of public money has been allocated to England’s test and trace programme. Only £300m of additional funding has been offered to local authorities to support the system.

Billions of funding are unaccounted for. Some will be spent on contracts with Serco, Sitel and Capita, among others. Right now, we can’t see how much they’re being paid, for how long and for what. How are these contracts being monitored and by whom? What about subcontractors, and their contractual agreements?

The fact that this information is not readily available is an insult to those working night and day to stop the spread of this virus, and to our communities who worry night and day about loved ones.

I’ve joined more than 100 public figures – including academics, journalists and health professionals – in writing to Matt Hancock, demanding he publishes the contracts given to private companies as part of the test and trace system. We believe it is essential for the public and the wider health community – including the NHS and local government public health teams – to have a better understanding of these contracts.

That’s the immediate priority – as an absolute minimum. But more broadly, the public knows this is not a good way to run contact tracing, and it is for all of these reasons that over two-thirds of those surveyed believe local public health teams and local health services should be in charge of the contact tracing system.

The Independent Sage group has already offered a solution that Hancock could take up easily. Put local authorities, local public health teams and local health services (including GPs and NHS laboratories) back in charge of testing and tracing in the community, and give them the resources to do this properly over the coming months and years. This is the system Wales and Scotland have opted for, as has Germany. That would be a test, track and trace programme the public could have faith in.

• Allyson Pollock is professor of public health research and policy at Queen Mary University of London and author of NHS plc: the Privatisation of Our Health Care

Devon will ‘not lead the charge’ to become a Unitary council

Senior Devon councillors have reiterated they have no desire to ‘lead the charge towards becoming a Unitary’ and reopen the arguments over Local Government reorganisation.

[A majority of Somerset county councillors have voted (29 July) to abolish themselves and create a new unitary authority for the whole county.

Council leader David Fothergill has put forward the One Somerset business case, which would see Somerset’s five existing councils abolished and replaced by May 2022.

The business case will now be submitted to the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, which will decide whether or not Somerset can formally proceed towards a new unitary authority.

Dorset and Cornwall are already unitary authorities – Owl] 

Devon will ‘not lead the charge’ to become a Unitary council

Daniel Clark www.devonlive.com 

The Government are set to publish a Devolution White paper this Autumn with speculation it would see county and district councils – the top tiers of authority – be invited to propose merging their powers and become Unitary councils.

This week, a majority of Somerset county councillors voted to abolish themselves and create a new unitary authority for the whole county, which would see Somerset’s five existing councils abolished and replaced by May 2022, while discussions are taking place across the country.

From 2007 to 2010, there was a strong possibility that Devon’s two-tier council structure might be reorganised, with either a Unitary authority for the whole of Devon created, or a second option that would have seen Exeter granted Unitary status. The latter of those was given the go-ahead in 2010, only for the reorganisation to be reversed when the Conservative Government came into power following the General Election.

At last Thursday’s full Devon County Council meeting, Cllr Alan Connett, leader of the Liberal Democrat group, asked the leader of the council, Cllr John Hart, for his view on the retention of the current system of district and county councils.

Cllr Hart said that it was something that looked like it may raise its head again and he was waiting to see what the Government says in the white paper this Autumn, but added: “I have maintained that if they don’t insist we go to Unitary model, I will not lead, a charge, and all it will do is reactivate the fighting.

“It would divide Devon up and then things get a bit more complicated. Devon has the size and capacity to work with the districts and to serve the people. I have no wish to open up a guerrilla war and start something and get us into a position that might not be resolved in the short term and argue with the districts for years on end and ruin the current good relationship.

“We will wait until September and then we will talk before anything happens, and hope there will be no backdoor deals from their side and as there won’t be any from ours.”

Cllr Connett said he was grateful that Cllr Hart ‘won’t lead a charge and that Devon County Council isn’t involved in predatory works’. He added: “It is best to wait for the paper and I think we need to avoid a separate approach and need to look at what is right for Devon and do what is the best for the residents. We must avoid what we did before when so much was spent to achieve so little for the people of Devon.”

Cllr Rob Hannaford, leader of the Labour group, added: “There is clearly no appetite in Devon for another costly and disruptive reorganisation of our local government. We have just seen, during the first wave of the pandemic, how well all levels of local government in Devon have worked together to respond, and with all the huge operational, financial, economic and social pressures that we are coping with, this is really the last thing we need to consider.

“To blow everything up now would be an act of political vandalism to our local communities, and a terrible barrier to making the progress that we need to make across the whole county.

“The real issues facing local government here in Devon are a lack of devolved powers to the existing council, gross underfunding, the ability to plan and develop services for the long term, and a lack of trust from central government. Its emphatically not local government reorganisation.

“We don’t want one huge hollowed out remote giant county council unitary with a massive democratic deficit. We also don’t want our county divided into four quarters, that would make no Sense to the people they are supposed to serve and represent.

“Let us fight for Devon, and its residents, through our existing local government family, rather than starting another toxic unitary war, that will benefit no one.”

Cllr Julian Brazil said that ‘Unitary by revolution’ was something that no-one wanted, but proposals to evolve towards one could be explored and that more shared services among the councils would be a way of saving money, with many senior officers doing the same job.

UK’s largest social care provider will have no access to regular coronavirus testing for five weeks

Latest achievement from our “world beating” Covid-19 testing system: halt regular testing in care homes!

“The UK’s largest independent provider of social care has issued a warning that it will have no access to regular coronavirus testing for residents and staff in England for at least five weeks.”

Andrew Woodcock Political Editor www.independent.co.uk

In a letter to relatives of residents, Care UK chief executive Andrew Knight, said the Department of Health was blaming issues with kits from a particular supplier, but said communication with government had been “sorely lacking”.

Liberal Democrats said that thousands of people would miss out on vital tests as a result of the issue. Days after a damning parliamentary report which found that Boris Johnson’s government threw care home residents “to the wolves” in the early stages of the pandemic, party health spokesperson Munira Wilson said the new revelations showed that this was still the case today.

Care UK runs more than 110 homes across the country, and Mr Knight warned that similar problems were affecting other major care organisations. The halt in regular testing comes as Mr Johnson is stressing the importance of the test and trace system to fend off the threat of a second wave of coronavirus.

It is understood that the government’s recall of kits supplied by private company Randox on safety grounds on 15 July caused significant disruption to the provision of tests for weekly and 28-day tests in care homes in England, while access remained readily available in Scotland.

Since 6 July, care homes in England have been promised regular testing on a weekly basis for staff and every 28 days for residents. Repeat testing for asymptomatic individuals was initially limited to care homes looking after people aged over 65 or those with dementia, but is due be rolled out to all care homes from August.

The Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) stressed that anyone living or working in a care home who has coronavirus symptoms or suspects they have the disease will still be able to access testing via Local Health Protection teams.

Announcing the rollout of regular tests less than four weeks ago, health secretary Matt Hancock said the scheme would “not only keep residents and care workers safe, but give certainty and peace of mind to the families who may be worried about their loved ones, and give staff the confidence to do what they do best”.

But Mr Knight said that optimism about regular testing had been “short-lived” and it was now “increasingly difficult to access regular testing across all of our homes”.

The Care UK CEO said: “We have been notified by DHSC that due to an issue with a particular test from one supplier, we will no longer have access to weekly testing for colleagues or monthly testing for residents.

“Communication from the Government on this matter has been sorely lacking. We have also been in contact with the DHSC, the Social Care Taskforce and the care minister to ask that this situation is resolved quickly, but the latest indications we have suggest that for most of our homes in England there will be a minimum of five weeks wait before we are able to access another round of testing.

“We have been exploring options for privately-funded testing, but as yet have been unable to identify a supplier who is able to reliably support us at the scale we require. This experience is mirrored across other major care organisations.”

Regular testing for care homes was introduced following anger over coronavirus outbreaks which claimed thousands of lives of elderly residents in the early weeks of the pandemic.

But on 15 July, the DHSC announced that some kits supplied by Northern Ireland-based Randox were being withdrawn as they did not meet safety standards. The department said at the time that it would be “supporting all testing settings to receive replacement kits as soon as possible”. But care sources said that new supplies had not materialised at the necessary scale.

Mr Knight told families of residents: “I am sure many of you will find this situation as disappointing as I do, especially given the positive messages the government is still issuing about the scale of the testing programme it is supposedly offering.”

Liberal Democrat health spokesperson Munira Wilson said: “If we needed any evidence that this Government is still throwing care homes to the wolves, then this is it. From the very beginning of the pandemic this Government failed to ensure care homes had access to adequate testing and PPE, whilst discharging patients with the virus into their homes.

“This letter is damning. With a potential second peak on the horizon, the UK’s largest provider of social care no longer having access to regular testing for staff and residents will leave thousands of our most vulnerable exposed to coronavirus.

“The prime minister and his government are not learning the lessons they need to if we are to prevent more people losing their lives. An inquiry into the government’s handling of the coronavirus crisis must begin now, so ministers can learn from their errors and help protect families right across the country from more heartache.”

Farmers need to be the nation’s park keepers

“We are today an overwhelmingly urban nation. This means that we think little about the countryside, save as scenery. We should pay more attention now, however, because exit from the European Union also means departure from the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This has underpinned our 136,000 farms by an average of £27,000 a year. Subsidy alone makes many holdings economically viable.”

(Max Hastings is a former president of the Campaign to Protect Rural England)
The oilseed rape in the field opposite our house was cut last week. Once upon a time, the land would soon afterwards have been ploughed. As a farm worker in school holidays 60 years ago, I was not a bad ploughman myself, though hopeless at hand-milking. Today, however, like so many other old practices, deep ploughing has declined.Across many areas, including ours, it is being replaced by light tillage-disc-harrowing just sufficiently to make the land receptive to reseeding. Fuel costs are lower; the impact on the soil is thought to be more benign, though plenty of unease persists about the use of weedkilling sprays.

We are today an overwhelmingly urban nation. This means that we think little about the countryside, save as scenery. We should pay more attention now, however, because exit from the European Union also means departure from the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This has underpinned our 136,000 farms by an average of £27,000 a year. Subsidy alone makes many holdings economically viable.

Whatever our Brexit views, we should welcome quitting the CAP. It delivers cash in accordance with acreage, so that the biggest landowners are the largest beneficiaries. The government says that future subsidy will instead be decided on environmental, social and public access criteria. In principle, this is smart. However, so vague is the guidance thus far that it is obvious ministers have little idea how a new dispensation will work.

Most of us like to imagine farmers as rosy-cheeked sons and daughters of the soil, chewing a straw while tending their own beasts and acres. Unfortunately, well-meaning tax exemptions, to enable farming fathers to pass on their land to the next generation, have distorted the picture. Large areas of rural Britain are being bought up by rich investors, including Sir James Dyson and several Scandinavian tycoons, partly because they see land as a limited resource that must increase in value; and partly to spare their children the nuisance of inheritance tax. A Saudi prince has just bought some farmland near us.

Agriculture nowadays generates little income, except on the best land and a large scale. Smallish practitioners must do it for love … or the possibility of a capital gain. A west Berkshire place where I occasionally worked as a boy was owned by a near-peasant farmer, who lived extremely modestly. In the 1970s, however, when Newbury expanded, he sold out for a stupendous sum: the development opportunity made his sons rich men. That is not a romantic story, but is more like the real-life Archers than the modern programme is.

Reading the above, a Cumbrian or Cornish farmer would snort that he grazes his beasts on no such green goldmine. One of the many difficulties in devising a new subsidy regime is the diversity of local circumstances. Who will decide what is an appropriate level of support to keep people on the land in thinly populated areas?

I often hear hill farmers say fiercely: “We don’t want to be park keepers.” But this is what many must indeed become. Instead of signs saying “No Camping”, they should be proclaiming “Campers Welcome”. Their unprofitable if decorative sheep will have to take a back seat — no, a back field — to providing amenity, which will become ever-bigger business in our overcrowded island, especially as meat-eating continues to decline.

Another serious issue looms: the implications of the US trade deal which the government is desperately seeking. America has never done Britain a bilateral trading favour, and will not start now. It has been obvious to most of us since before the 2016 referendum that Washington will insist upon access for its farm products. These have lower production costs and animal welfare standards, chlorinated chicken being the least. The National Farmers’ Union says its members cannot compete on price with such imports. Yet, without a US trade deal, where will Britain be? We shall hear much more about this thorny dispute, which can have no good outcome, only a least-bad one.

Farmers voted overwhelmingly for Brexit, and thus they accept the need to bear their share of the pain from it. But the public should participate in a wider debate, about what sort of countryside and farming industry we should aspire to, once the British government has “taken back control”.

It seems important for the social welfare of rural areas that the tax provisions for farmland are reviewed, to halt its takeover by people who treat ownership simply as an inheritance wheeze. Subsidy has to continue, but farmers must recognise that their park-keeping function will expand. They cannot receive public subsidy while grudging public access, except on industrial safety grounds.

Like many of my generation, I shed a tear for the way of farming that I knew as a child, when cows had horns, corn was sheaved and stooked, and those who worked on the land were intimately entwined with every rural community.

Rationally, however, we know how harsh was the old way of life. Change in agriculture is inescapable. The challenge is to manage our landscape sensitively. Those who live and work in its midst deserve respect and sympathy: some smaller farmers should probably receive more cash from the subsidy pot than they get. The billionaires who merely speculate with the countryside, however, should be induced to stick to oil futures and vacuum cleaners.

 

PM repeatedly made inaccurate claims about child poverty – watchdog

Shadow education secretary Kate Green said: ‘It is shameful that the Prime Minister is unable to tell the truth about the hardship faced by so many families struggling to make ends meet.

‘Children and families in such difficult circumstances deserve better than this shabby treatment from an out-of-touch Prime Minister who has repeatedly failed to be honest about the challenges they face.

‘The Prime Minister must now correct the record, both publicly and in Parliament, and ensure that when he next raises his Government’s damning record on child poverty, he comes clean about what the stats are saying.

Boris Johnson exaggerated the government’s record on poverty by repeatedly using inaccurate and misleading figures, the UK statistics watchdog has found.

The Office for Statistics Regulation (OSR) made the statement in response to a complaint from the End Child Poverty Coalition, which said the Prime Minister had used data ‘selectively, inaccurately and, ultimately, misleadingly’ since last December’s General Election.

The coalition said Mr Johnson’s claim on the BBC’s Andrew Marr Show on December 1 that there are ‘400,000 fewer children in poverty than there were in 2010’ was incorrect.

It also said Mr Johnson’s statement that ‘absolutely poverty and relative poverty have both declined under this Government’ and ‘there are hundreds of thousands, I think 400,000, fewer families living in poverty now than there were in 2010’, made at PMQs on June 17, this year was also untrue.

Furthermore, the coalition contended that at PMQs a week later, Mr Johnson incorrectly said ‘there are 100,000 fewer children in absolute poverty and 500,000 children falling below thresholds of low income and material deprivation’.

Boris Johnson exaggerated the government’s record on poverty by repeatedly using inaccurate and misleading figures, the UK statistics watchdog has found

Boris Johnson’s inaccurate claims on child poverty 

December 1: The Prime Minister said on the BBC’s Andrew Marr Show that there are ‘400,000 fewer children in poverty than there were in 2010’.

June 17: Mr Johnson told the Commons at PMQs that ‘absolutely poverty and relative poverty have both declined under this Government’ and ‘there are hundreds of thousands, I think 400,000, fewer families living in poverty now than there were in 2010’.

June 24: The PM said at PMQs: ‘There are 100,000 fewer children in absolute poverty and 500,000 children falling below thresholds of low income and material deprivation’.

In the letter, Anna Feuchtwang, chairwoman of the coalition, said it cannot be right that such figures are used ‘selectively’.

She wrote: ‘While it is expected – and right – that child poverty should be the subject of robust political debate, it cannot be right that official figures on something as fundamental as how many children are in poverty continue to be used selectively, inaccurately and, ultimately, misleadingly.’

Responding to the complaints set out in the letter, Ed Humpherson, director-general for regulation at the authority, said: ‘Our team has investigated the statements which you highlight (and has reached the same conclusion that these statements are incorrect).’

Poverty is difficult to definitively calculate, as the OSR explains there are four official measurements which can be used.

These are relative poverty, which records households with less than 60 per cent of contemporary median income, before and after housing costs, and absolute poverty, which compares numbers against baseline figures from 2010/11, again before and after housing costs.

In March, data from the Department for Work and Pensions estimated the number of people living in a relative low-income household after housing costs had risen to 4.5 million in 2018-19 from four million the year before.

It was the highest number of people living in poverty in the UK since figures were collated in 2002.

Poverty is difficult to definitively calculate, as the OSR explains there are four official measurements which can be used. These are relative poverty, which records households with less than 60 per cent of contemporary median income, before and after housing costs, and absolute poverty, which compares numbers against baseline figures from 2010/11, again before and after housing costs

An OSR blog post reads: ‘There is no wrong measure, but there is a wrong way of using the available measures – and that is to pick and choose which statistics to use based on what best suits the argument you happen to be making.’

Ms Feuchtwang said she welcomed the conclusion from the watchdog that the Prime Minister had used child poverty statistics incorrectly.

‘It is deeply insulting to the children and families swept into poverty when data about them is used selectively and misleadingly at the whim of politicians,’ she said.

‘The simple fact is that by any measures child poverty is rising but instead of tackling the problem the Government risks obscuring the issue and misinforming the public.

‘The lives of real people are at stake and we need consistent use of information and urgent action.’

Child Poverty Action Group chief executive Alison Garnham said: ‘The hard truth is that child poverty is growing in the UK but the Government is in denial on this – that has to shift.

‘If we are to make progress, the problem must be confronted not circumvented.

‘If the will and the focus are there, a strategy can be agreed and action taken to prevent more children from being damaged by poverty.’

She added: ‘It’s our moral responsibility to safeguard children from poverty and to invest in them.

‘It’s also the most significant investment we as a nation can make for our future.’

Imran Hussain, director of policy and campaigns at Action for Children, said that the longer the UK is in denial of the scale of child poverty, the harder it will be to fix.

‘This isn’t about the Punch and Judy of PMQs,’ said Mr Hussain.

‘Admitting that rising numbers of ordinary families are struggling to keep their children clothed and well fed matters to good policy making.

‘You can’t ‘level up’ the country if you’re sweeping under the carpet the big rises in child poverty clearly shown by the official figures.

‘The longer we’re in denial about the scale of the problem, the harder it will be to fix it.’

Shadow education secretary Kate Green said the Prime Minister must ‘come clean’ and correct the record on the issue.

She said: ‘It is shameful that the Prime Minister is unable to tell the truth about the hardship faced by so many families struggling to make ends meet.

‘Children and families in such difficult circumstances deserve better than this shabby treatment from an out-of-touch Prime Minister who has repeatedly failed to be honest about the challenges they face.

‘The Prime Minister must now correct the record, both publicly and in Parliament, and ensure that when he next raises his Government’s damning record on child poverty, he comes clean about what the stats are saying.

BBC One – Panorama, The Forgotten Frontline – tonight 2100

BBC One – Panorama, The Forgotten Frontline

www.bbc.co.uk /programmes/m000lbq0

This programme will be available shortly after broadcast

Panorama follows the unfolding tragedy in care homes as they struggle to protect residents against Covid-19. Alison Holt asks if they were left to fight the virus alone.

Panorama follows the unfolding tragedy in care homes as they struggle to protect residents against the killer virus. Over several months, cameras were allowed into two very different care homes, revealing the dedication of care staff, the frustration of managers and the heartache as more and more lives were lost.

Across the country, more than 20,000 residents and care workers have died with Covid-19. Reporter Alison Holt asks if care homes were abandoned to fight the virus alone.

Comparisons of all-cause mortality between European countries and regions – ONS

“While England did not have the highest peak mortality, it did have the longest continuous period of excess mortality of any country compared, resulting in England having the highest levels of excess mortality in Europe for the period as a whole.”

www.ons.gov.uk 

1. Things you need to know about this release

There has been considerable interest in international comparisons of mortality during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. The best way of comparing the mortality impact internationally is by looking at all-cause mortality rates by local area, region and country compared with the five-year average. All-cause mortality avoids the problem of different countries recording COVID-19 deaths in different ways, and also takes into account the indirect impact of the pandemic, such as deaths from other causes that might be related to delayed access to healthcare.

2. Main points

  • Within countries there has been considerable variation in mortality; in the UK, every local authority area (NUTS3) experienced excess mortality during the peak weeks of excess mortality (week ending 3 April to week ending 8 May 2020), while other Western European countries experienced more geographically localised excess mortality.
  • Analysis of Weeks 8 to 24 (week ending 21 February to week ending 12 June) at local authority level (NUTS3) across Europe shows that the highest rates of excess mortality were in areas in Central Spain and Northern Italy; Bergamo (Northern Italy) had the highest peak excess mortality of 847.7% (week ending 20 March) compared with the highest in the UK, Brent at 357.5% (week ending 17 April).
  • Looking at major cities, the highest peak excess mortality was in Madrid at 432.7% (week ending 27 March) while in the UK, Birmingham had the highest peak excess mortality of any major British city at 249.7% (week ending 17 April).
  • Of the four nations of the UK, England had the highest peak excess mortality (107.6% in week ending 17 April).
  • England saw the second highest national peak of excess mortality during Weeks 8 to 24 (week ending 21 February to week ending 12 June), compared with 21 European countries, with only Spain seeing a higher peak; at the equivalent of local authority level, areas of Central Spain and Northern Italy saw the highest peaks of excess mortality and exceeded any parts of the UK.
  • While England did not have the highest peak mortality, it did have the longest continuous period of excess mortality of any country compared, resulting in England having the highest levels of excess mortality in Europe for the period as a whole.
  • This article looks at all-cause mortality as a comparable international indicator of the impact of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and does not specifically analyse deaths involving COVID-19; deaths are shown for the UK countries by date of registration.

[Much more to read on the web-site www.ons.gov.uk ]

Cummings trips damaged UK lockdown unity, study suggests

The scandal over Dominic Cummings’ trips to and around Durham during lockdown damaged trust and was a key factor in the breakdown of a sense of national unity amid the coronavirus pandemic, research suggests.

“Disruptor” Cummings lives up to his name – Owl

Patrick Butler www.theguardian.com 

 

Revelations that Cummings and his family travelled to his parents’ farm despite ministers repeatedly imploring the public to stay at home – as exposed by the Guardian and the Daily Mirror in May – also crystallised distrust in politicians over the crisis, according to a report from the thinktank British Future.

The findings emerged in a series of surveys, diaries and interviews carried out over the first months of the pandemic as the public got to grips with profound changes to their habits, relationships and lifestyles.

It found that while the start of lockdown forged a new community spirit and softened divisions caused by Brexit, this dissipated as the Cummings scandal emerged, lockdown rules were eased and social tensions resurfaced, especially over how far people observed social distancing rules.

While the pandemic has made the UK overall less divided – and revealed an appetite to hang on to perceived gains in community spirit created under lockdown – it warns that tensions could re-emerge in the coming recession over issues such as growing perceptions of a gap between rich and poor.

Jill Rutter, the author of the report, said: “There’s a risk that past divides are re-emerging as society starts to reopen. The shared experience of lockdown made many people feel more connected to their neighbours and local community. Now that sense of togetherness is starting to fray. The good news is that people would rather we kept hold of it.”

The study notes: “The perception that the prime minister’s adviser, Dominic Cummings, had broken lockdown rules was a highly salient issue that appeared to damage trust in politicians.”

Participants in the research grew “noticeably angrier” about politicians after the revelations, although it also served to create fresh consensus. “It was not, however, as divisive an incident as might be thought. Most people, irrespective of their political views, appeared to disapprove of Cummings’ action.”

The study was carried out for the /Together coalition, a campaign set up in the wake of Brexit to bridge social divides and build a kinder society. It comprises two surveys of more than 2,000 people carried out in early March and late May and June, and material from online discussion groups and 36 WhatsApp diarists.

The start of lockdown heralded a new community spirit, characterised by neighbourly generosity, volunteering, enhanced social connectedness, and “acts of kindness from strangers” – all promoting strong feelings of national unity, the study found.

This sense of togetherness and generosity, typified by the weekly clap for carers in support of the NHS and other frontline workers, made people feel “part of something that was positive and larger than just their street” and helped heal deep social divisions over Brexit.

But by mid-May, this unity had started to dissipate, researchers found, with the perception that “some groups of people were not observing social distancing rules” becoming a major source of division, especially as lockdown rules were eased.

In addition to the Cummings revelations, the sense of unity broke down further as differences in lockdown policy emerged between the Westminster and devolved administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. There were also differences in attitudes to, and experiences of, the pandemic between young and old, and home workers and key workers.

A major public concern was the division between rich and poor. “It was felt that those in power needed to address wealth divides, but also recognise that more work was needed to bring people together in urban areas with a more transient population.”

There was widespread support for the Black Lives Matter campaign – including broad support from people of all ethic groups and ages for action to tackle inequality and racial prejudice in the UK – although there was concern about violence on some of the protests.

The study urges the government to invest in the positive bonds created under lockdown, such as in volunteering programmes. “Our leaders, whatever their political views, need to make healing social divides a priority, and to commit a practical agenda to make it happen,” it said.

Quotes on Cummings in answer to a question posed in early June: Are we more divided or more united as a country?

More divided, two reasons. The first is the Dominic Cummings saga. The vast majority of people see it as one rule for those in charge and one rule for everyone else and this is now causing issues as many people are flaunting lockdown rules, whilst others are at the opposite end of the scale and worried about government advice and whether to trust them.” – Male, 45, Yorkshire, remain supporter

“We are a little less together than we were. During the height of … lockdown I felt there was a real community/‘in this together spirit’, which probably peaked at VE Day. Then as lockdown eased, different people were at different levels and saw the easing differently. But then the Cummings situation kind of brought everyone back together again. Today I would say we are at very early days of how things were before lockdown, albeit a little bit more community spirit than before.” – Female, east of England, leave supporter

“In short: undoubtedly more divided. More detail: it was relatively easy to persuade the country to go into lockdown. Easing the restrictions has produced a whole spectrum of differing opinions never mind the uproar the Dominic Cummings saga has added to the debate.” – Male, West Midlands

Breathtaking: Dorset village Chideock ranks worst for air pollution

A town or village with an “East/West” arterial road running through it?

Ring any bells in East Devon?

Rhys Blakely, Science Correspondent www.thetimes.co.uk 

A village in Dorset has been identified as suffering some of the worst air pollution in England, with a taxi rank in Sheffield coming in second.

Chideock, which is about three miles west of Bridport on Dorset’s Jurassic Coast, was found to have the highest levels of atmospheric nitrogen dioxide (NO2) in the country. The readings have been blamed on the A35, which runs through the village.

NO2 has been shown to be linked to an array of health problems, including respiratory issues, increased risks of cancer and lower life expectancy. It is produced by fossil fuels.

Chideock recorded an annual average level of 97.7 micrograms of NO2 per cubic metre of air in 2018, the most recent year for which records are available — more than twice the annual limit of 40 micrograms set by the government’s Air Quality Objective.

The station taxi rank in Sheffield recorded the second highest NO2 levels, according to a report which found that more than 1,300 sites across England had been breaching the annual limit.

The data comes from English local authorities’ air quality annual status reports, which are submitted to the government. They were analysed by Friends of the Earth, which said failing to fix air pollution was costing lives.

Calling for increased investment in cycling and walking, it added: “If ministers want to avoid a return to the health-damaging and illegal levels of air pollution we had before lockdown, their enthusiasm for “active travel” needs to be a permanent switch not just a short-term gap plugger.”

The ten worst

1. Chideock Hill, West Dorset (97.7 micrograms of NO2 per cubic metre of air)

2. Station taxi rank, Sheffield (91.7)

3. North Street clocktower, Brighton (90.8)

4. Neville Street tunnel, Leeds (88)

5. Strand, City of Westminster (88)

6. Walbrook Wharf, City of London (87)

7. Hickleton, Doncaster (86)

8. Marylebone Road, City of Westminster (85)

9. Euston Road, London Borough of Camden (82.3)

10. Hickleton, John O’Gaunts, Doncaster (82)

Source: Friends of the Earth

Hedgehogs, squirrels and voles on extinction risk list

AND grey long-eared bats see:

https://eastdevonwatch.org/2019/08/24/the-fight-to-protect-east-budleigh-bats-but-no-need-to-fight-in-beer/

https://eastdevonwatch.org/2019/02/11/bats-in-east-budleigh-barn-cleared-24-hours-before-eddc-planning-committee-meets-to-decide-their-fate/

Owl has also recently received the following e-mail (site location unknown):

“An ecological survey was carried out in 2012 determining that no evidence found of BATS. At that time, the building was to be repaired. Now, permission has been granted for demolition and rebuilding. The approved application refers to an earlier survey only but was not followed up by EDDC planners to get a current BAT survey.
We live next door to the site and are amazed by the night activity of BATs when we sit out in the evening.
We suspect that there will be BATs in the old structure and these will be sent packing when the building is up for demolition this Autumn.

Is this a lost cause?”

(Owl advised contacting the planning officer – bat surveys only have a short validity)

Hedgehogs, squirrels and voles on extinction risk list

Tom Ballwww.thetimes.co.uk

A quarter of Britain’s native mammal species, including hedgehogs, red squirrels and water voles, are officially at risk of extinction, a pioneering assessment shows.

The new Red List drawn up by the Mammal Society meets international criteria used to assess threats to wildlife such as elephants and tigers and shows that 11 of our 47 native mammals are at risk of dying out.

They have become endangered because of threats ranging from historical persecution to the use of chemicals, loss of habitat and the introduction of non-native species.

At greatest risk are wildcats, of which there are fewer than 20 in the wild in Scotland, and greater mouse-eared bats, with only one known individual. Both species are classed as critically endangered.

Hedgehogs and hazel dormice are classed as vulnerable to extinction, and five species, including mountain hares and harvest mice, are judged to be nearing threatened status.

A report from 2018 found that the hedgehog population fell by almost 70 per cent in 20 years. The European wolf, brown bears and lynxes were all once native to Britain but became extinct hundreds of years ago. Beavers were hunted to extinction by the 1600s but were later reintroduced. They are once again classed as endangered, the second most threatened category, as are water voles, red squirrels and grey long-eared bats.

Tony Juniper, chairman of Natural England, said that it was not too late to act.

Fiona Mathews, chairwoman of the Mammal Society, said that the Red List showed the need for changes to the planning system, where sustained monitoring of habitats and funding for habitat creation were needed.

“Once an animal becomes endangered it’s a scramble for time to put measures in place to rescue them, so we need to be taking a hard look at the species on the next level down so that it doesn’t become a crisis. It’s about right across the whole of the landscape, whether it’s urban areas, peri-urban areas or rural areas, we are making space so other animals can get the resources they need, food and shelter, because that’s the only realistic way forward.”

Professor Mathews is concerned about water voles, saying they have slipped off the radar. She added that hopes for wildcats now lay in captive breeding and possible reintroductions.

Beavers are doing well in the “isolated places” where they have been resettled but they are few and far between and face persecution that could kill them off again.

The Red List was produced by the Mammal Society for the government agencies Natural England, Natural Resources Wales, Scottish Natural Heritage and the Joint Nature Conservation Committee. It is the first time it has been formally accepted by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature on a regional basis, which means it meets the internationally agreed criteria for assessing threats to wildlife.

British species facing extinction

Critically endangered Wildcat, greater mouse-eared bat

Endangered

Beaver, red squirrel, water vole, grey long-eared batVulnerable

Hedgehog, hazel dormouse, Orkney vole, Serotine bat, Barbastelle batNear threatened

Mountain hare, harvest mouse, lesser white-toothed shrew, Leisler’s bat, Nathusius’s pipistrelleExtinct

European wolf

Government not doing enough to stop coronavirus second wave, says British Medical Association chief

The government is not doing everything it should to stop a second wave of coronavirus from hitting the UK, the British Medical Association’s top doctor has warned.

Liberal Democrat MP Layla Moran, who is chairing the APPG’s inquiry at which BMA chair Dr Nagpaul was speaking, told The Independent: “It is deeply concerning that the government still has no overall strategy to aim for zero Covid, as medical experts are calling for. Ministers must come forward with a clear plan, informed by the science, which seeks to eliminate this deadly virus from the UK.

See East Devon Watch on towards zero Covid.

The intervention comes as Boris Johnson pointed the finger at Europe and said “swift” action was being taken to prevent localised outbreaks identified on the continent spreading back to the UK.

However, epidemiologists told The Independent that the government’s own policy failures would likely play a part in an “inevitable” increased infection rate in the UK – which still has a higher death ratio than most of its neighbours.

Dr Chaand Nagpaul, chair of the BMA’s council, told MPs on Wednesday that confused messaging from the government and lack of a “systemic approach” on policies like mask wearing and social distancing was behind a weekly rise in infections.

Warning that there were “too many examples of potential spread” he told a meeting of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on coronavirus: “At the moment we’re not doing everything we should in trying to contain the virus.

“If I look even at something as simple as our messages on social distancing: we’re told that social distancing is still two metres, or one metre plus.

“Do you think any member of the public understands what one metre plus means? What does the plus mean? Many don’t really understand this because it’s not clear and they’re not social distancing.”

He also pointed to potential deficiencies in the government’s mask policy, adding: “If you want to suppress a virus you don’t just make an announcement and then leave people with free will whether to wear them … you then follow that up with a very systematic approach to make sure that happens.

“What I mean by suppressing is you take an attitude that says: we want to do absolutely everything to make sure the infection doesn’t spread. That needs a much more robust approach.”

He warned: “The point is that I’m not sure that sense of clear, single-minded determination to do everything we can is being done and that’s what I mean by suppressing: to really take the attitude that yes, we can resume normal living – you can go out, you can do things, but make sure that we have very clear messages about what is expected of both the public and workers to stop the spread.

“There are measures that can be taken and at the moment I think I see too many examples of potential spread, just walking out into the high street and peering through shop windows. If a hair dresser wears a visor without a mask, that’s not going to suppress the virus. Has that message gone to all employers as to what needs to be done to stop the spread of the virus?

“If you look at the figures at the moment, the last ONS figures from last Friday, the weekly figures, the infection rate has increased. We’re now seeing about 2,700 new cases a day compared to 2,500 the week before. And so I think now is the time we must be much more robust and rigorous about how we mitigate the spread.”

Boris Johnson on Tuesday said there were signs that a “second wave” of coronavirus would hit, but blamed Europe for the potential return. The UK still has a significantly higher death rate than other European countries, but some have seen a rise in the rate of infections in recent weeks.

Britain reported a further 119 coronavirus deaths on Tuesday, taking the official death total to 45,878. An additional 581 people also tested positive, slightly down on recent days.

Academics told The Independent that a second lockdown was unlikely because of a lack of public appetite, but that other measures needed to be sharpened up to prevent a serious resurgence in cases.

Dr Bharat Pankhania, senior consultant in Communicable Disease Control at the University of Exeter said the messaging around the lifting of lockdown had been “unfortunate” and that it was “inevitable” that cases would go up.

“When the prime minister lifted lockdown, I said it was unbelievably premature. There were mixed messages – people don’t listen to the chief medical officer saying we must do this carefully and take precautions, because the virus is still there. But they do listen to the prime minister saying let’s go out and celebrate, and I think that was really unfortunate. Lifting quarantine was a risk and it could be foreseen it was a risk, but we were under pressure form the travel industry and it takes backbone to stand up to that,” he said.

“It’s inevitable that UK cases will go up when you open, unless you are cautious. That public health message of ‘go carefully’ just isn’t there. The virus hasn’t gone away. The only thing in our favour is that it is the summer and people are more likely to meet each other outdoors. That will keep case numbers down in July and August but I am worried about September.”

However, Dr Pankhania said it would not be appropriate to reimpose a full lockdown now: “There is no stomach of a new lockdown. People are losing jobs and businesses are going bust. I don’t think we can go back to lockdown now, other measures should be taken.”

Dr Gabriel Scally, President of the Epidemiology and Public Health section of the Royal Society of Medicine and member of Independent Sage said a larger second wave was unlikely but that localised outbreaks should be expected.

“What we can expect in England for some time to come is localised outbreaks because the government has decided there is an acceptable level of Covid-19 cases. The Joint Biosecurity Centre suggested in a paper in May that the ‘acceptable incidence’ was 1,000 new positive tests a day. I think that is far too high and will result in flare-ups occurring across the country. Hopefully the arrangements in place will enable those flare-ups to be suppressed, but if there are too many of them the capacity at a local level won’t be able to deal with them and they will emerge as a wave,” he said.

“A second wave is unlikely, simply because an awful lot of older people and people with underlying conditions have lost a lot of trust in what the government says is or isn’t safe and they are going to be very cautious about where they go and what they do. The bursts of new cases we are getting now are predominantly among younger people.”

The World Health Organisation on Wednesday also warned that young people enjoying the summer appeared to be behind the coronavirus spike and were being hit the hardest.

Dr Scally also warned that there was “no government strategy for getting rid of the virus”.​

“If we were really serious about this, we would be doing a lot more public information than we are doing at the moment, on washing your hands and social distancing and identifying symptoms. There is very little messaging happening now and I suspect if you asked people what were the four symptoms of coronavirus, you wouldn’t get a very high level of accuracy,” he said.

“There is no government strategy for getting rid of the virus. They issued one on 3 March, but the only strategy since then has been for lifting the lockdown. We have got to get better public information and better case-finding and get our act sorted out in terms of the data about where the cases are. This stuff needs to be running like a well-oiled machine, which it isn’t at the moment.”

Liberal Democrat MP Layla Moran, who is chairing the APPG’s inquiry at which BMA chair Dr Nagpaul was speaking, told The Independent: “It is deeply concerning that the government still has no overall strategy to aim for zero Covid, as medical experts are calling for. Ministers must come forward with a clear plan, informed by the science, which seeks to eliminate this deadly virus from the UK.

“This should include fixing the flawed Test and Trace programme and introducing screening for coronavirus at public transport hubs and entry points to the UK. The evidence suggests the government’s complacent approach earlier this year cost lives, we cannot afford for the same mistakes to be made again.”