As Councillor Matt Booth pointed out: you can’t say something is required in Ottery St Mary but not in Newton Poppleford!
http://www.sidmouthherald.co.uk/news/decision_on_40_homes_deferred_1_4388394
As Councillor Matt Booth pointed out: you can’t say something is required in Ottery St Mary but not in Newton Poppleford!
http://www.sidmouthherald.co.uk/news/decision_on_40_homes_deferred_1_4388394
David Cameron and the Tories have links to the very top of Google going back decades.
The Prime Minister has enjoyed a special relationship with former Google CEO Eric Schmidt, who made billions making the business into a global powerhouse.
For years Mr Schmidt was on Mr Cameron’s business advisory board, which is used as a ‘sounding board’ on business matters, but the Google executive left in July.
The billionaire has reportedly also offered Mr Cameron on economic policy.
The links do not end there because Steve Hilton, once the Prime Minister’s closest political adviser, is married to Rachel Whetstone, who was vice-president of global communications at Google until last year before she moved to Uber.
Rachel Whetstone is a former No 10 aide and was Michael Howard’s director of communications when he was Tory leader and Mr Cameron is godfather to her younger son.
Mr Hilton was godfather to Ivan Cameron, the late eldest child of David and Samantha.m
… In 2006, Mr Cameron travelled from visiting Google in Silicon Valley to Bournemouth to address the Conservative Party conference.
Then in 2010 when Cameron announced a review of Britain’s intellectual property laws as the founders of Google have said they could never have started their company in Britain’.
In 2012 it emerged that Tory ministers held meetings with Google an average of once a month. Official records show that David Cameron met Google executives three times and Chancellor George Osborne four times.
Google has held five meetings with the UK government over the past two years to discuss launching driverless cars in Britain.
It is not just a case of former government policy staff exiting through Westminster’s ‘revolving door’ to Google – it works the other way too.
Tim Chatwin was Mr Cameron’s head of strategic communications and had worked closely with Mr Hilton since the start of the Cameron modernisation project. He joined Google after the 2012 Tory conference.
Amy Fisher was once Google’s PR chief for European affairs and later bagged a job advising then Justice Secretary Chris Grayling.
Labour shadow chancellor John McDonnell today wrote to George Osborne demanding more information on Google’s tax bill.
In his letter he said that there are eight questions he must answer:
Firstly, please can you clarify exactly when you were first made aware of the details of the deal with Google? Did you (or any other Treasury Minister) personally sign it off, and were other Ministers involved in the settlement?
What discussions, if any, did you or members of your private office have with HMRC and with Google representatives about the deal?
Did HM Treasury and HMRC discuss details of the deal with Number 10 before the announcement was made?
What is HMRC’s understanding of the effective tax rate faced by Google over the past 10 years as a result of this settlement?
Are you confident that this deal will not undermine international co-operation on tax avoidance, such as the OECD base erosion and profit shifting scheme?
Can you clarify whether Google is changing the company structures that enabled this avoidance to take place over the past decade?
What concerns, if any, do you have that this agreement creates a precedent for future deals with other large technology corporations?
To help ensure HMRC is best placed to address complex issues like this will you now halt the programme of HMRC staffing cuts?
Just 200 homes have been built on public land sold off by the Government over the last five years, new figures have revealed.
Despite the land having a capacity for 109,000 homes, the only record of any homebuilding points to a mere 2% of them being actually constructed, MPs on the Public Accounts Committee heard.
The statistics came just weeks after David Cameron pledged to build hundreds of thousands of homes every year, as he battles to make housing a key legacy of his premiership.
Downing Street today insisted that despite the figures, it was determined to deliver a million new houses and flats by 2020.
In evidence to MPs, Whitehall officials from the Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) said that they had carried out research on 100 of 942 sites sold as part of the Tory-Lib Dem Coalition’s drive to free up spare land owned by the taxpayer.
Despite warnings from the National Audit Office for better record-keeping, the senior civil servants admitted that it would be upto ministers to require more monitoring of the results of public land sales.
Work has started on a further 2,400 homes, with 2,100 having received planning permission and 4,300 awaiting planning permission, one sample projected.
Extrapolating this to the whole programme could suggest that about 1,800 homes have been built in total, but Whitehall cannot say for sure as it does not know what happened to the other 842 sites which have been sold.
Melanie Dawes, the Permanent Secretary at the DCLG, said that the figures showed that “build-out can take a long time”.
“It can take 20 years for some of these sites to build out,” she said.
But her approach infuriated MPs on the committee, with chair Meg Hillier complaining that “we still don’t know how many homes have actually been built”.
Tory MP Stewart Jackson, a Conservative MP and committee member, said he was “very sceptical” about the department’s wider claims of success, dubbing the 200 figure “very poor performance”.
And fellow committee member Richard Bacon slated the department, accusing officials of “absolving yourself of the responsibility of making sure housing is built” on sites that government has sold off.
Both he and Mr Jackson said it was hard to see why it should take decades to build homes on the land.
Asked about the 200 figure, a spokesman for the Prime Minister today said: “The commitment is clear: we want to deliver 1 million new homes at the end of this Parliament.
“Numbers are increasing but clearly there is a lot more to do.”
Huffington Post UK
“A company which is one of the Conservative party’s largest donors paid no corporation tax for three years and could be dissolved by Companies House for failing to file accounts.
Lycamobile, an international firm that sells foreign mobile calls, gave the Tories £136,180 in the current quarter and £40,000 in the quarter before that, making the company the Tories’ third biggest donor over this period.
But the latest available figures show the company did not pay any tax between 2008 and 2010 despite generating a turnover of between £47m and £88m.
This year’s accounts are so late that last month Companies House announced they might “dissolve” the company, striking them off their register and forcing them to cease trading. At the end of March Lycamobile persuaded the regulator to suspend the moves. …
…The latest available accounts for [its] Portuguese division show it had just four employees, despite reporting £433m of turnover. Two of those employees, Richard and Filomena Benn, run a Madeira-based company that specialises in “tax planning”.
… The firm’s most recent accounts also show that auditors KPMG were not able to obtain enough information to sign off on adjustments made to financial information from previous years.
KPMG began auditing the firm after EY resigned from the duty in 2014. …”
http://www.theguardian.com/business/2016/jan/26/tory-party-donor-lycamobile-uk-company-register
How long before the CEO gets a knighthood?
Quite a lot of tinkering – interesting there will be no DCC councillor specifically for Cranbrook – they come under “Broadclyst”.
The summary is here:
Click to access Devon-final-recs-summary.pdf
The report is here:
http://www.lgbce.org.uk/current-reviews/south-west/devon/devon-county-council
“A hereditary peer who voted in favour of the Government’s attempts to redefine the way child poverty is measured has said some families “ought” to do try harder to earn money.
Speaking during the debate in the House of Lords – in which peers eventually voted 290 to 192 in favour of an amendment to that will force the Government to publish annual figures on income-related child poverty – Lord Northbourne said some families preferred a lifestyle dependent on state support.
It was quickly pointed out to him, by the Earl of Listowel, that two-thirds of children in poverty have at least one parent in work.
The 89-year-old peer and Kent landowner is the fifth Baron of Northbourne and his son, Sebastian James, featured in the Bullingdon Club society’s 1987 photo, alongside David Cameron and Boris Johnson.
Interesting that one reason the Inspector gave for inclusion of the site was that “no new evidence had been submitted to support the request for its removal” had been offered to change his mind.
This implies that if he HAD received further evidence, he would have taken it into account in making his decision.
Didn’t the Development Management Committed imply that they would contact the Inspector about removing the site after much evidence had been submitted to it as to why it was unsuitable?
Did they contact him with this new evidence as they had appeared to suggest they would do?
And what actions (as opposed to words and supported by clear evidence) did Councillor Hughes and ex-Councillor Troman take at that point? A point so close to local elections that words and actions were particularly important?
Chichester District Council has successfully defended a judicial review challenge to a neighbourhood plan.
The claimant in Crownhall Estates Ltd, R (on the application of) v Chichester District Council & Ors [2016] EWHC 73 had been promoting the development of 25 dwellings on a site in Loxwood, West Sussex. However, its application for planning permission for the site had been refused.
A referendum on the Loxwood Neighbourhood Plan (LNP), which did not include Crownhall’s site for potential housing, was held on 24 July 2014 and 97.7% of those voting, voted in favour.
The district council (CDC) therefore became obliged under the Planning and Compulsory Purchase Act 2004 to make the LNP.
In July 2014 Crownhall brought its first claim for judicial review. The following October the High Court made a consent order quashing CDC’s decision to hold the referendum and also the subsequent referendum on the grounds that the Environmental Assessment of Plans and Programmes Regulations 2004 had not been complied with.
In particular the district council accepted that the process for making a screening decision that Strategic Environmental Assessment (“SEA”) was not required for the LNP had been unlawful.
Subsequently, a lawful screening process was carried out by CDC which determined that SEA was not required for the neighbourhood plan. Crownhall did not raise any legal challenge to that decision.
Between 23 October and 4 December 2014 a fresh round of public consultation took a place on a resubmitted draft of the neighbourhood plan. Twenty representations were made, some supporting the LNP in its entirety. Crownhall made representations objecting that the LNP had not identified its site for housing.
On 25 February 2015 an examiner sent her report on the examination of the re-submitted LNP to the district council. She recommended that, subject to modifications set out in the report, the LNP satisfied the “basic conditions” and should proceed to a referendum. CDC agreed and therefore came under a duty once again to hold a local referendum.
Crownhall issued a second application for judicial review on 20 April 2015. On 5 June 2015 Mr Justice Dove granted Crownhall permission to apply for judicial review on all grounds save for a challenge to the earlier reliance upon delegated authority.
On 25 June 2015 the local referendum on the re-submitted LNP was held. On this occasion 98.5% of those voting, voted in favour of the making of the neighbourhood plan.
In the meantime on 8 June 2015 Crownhall had issued its third proceedings for judicial review challenging the decision in April 2015 to hold the referendum and seeking an order to quash that decision.
On 14 July 2015, the same day as it adopted the local plan, CDC also made the Loxwood Neighbourhood Plan under section 38(4) of the PCPA 2004.
Crownhall sought to have the legal proceedings stayed until March 2016, by which time it was expected that the Communities Secretary’s decision on the developer’s appeal against refusal of planning permission would be known.
Both Chichester and Loxwood Parish Council objected to the company’s application. A deputy master refused the application and so Mr Justice Holgate heard the case over two days in November 2015.
Crownhall, which wanted its site to be allocated as an additional housing site in the neighbourhood plan, raised the following grounds of challenge:
The examiner and Chichester District Council failed to consider whether, in accordance with the basic condition in paragraph 8(2)(a) of schedule 4B to Town & Country Planning Act 1990, it was appropriate to make the LNP, having regard to national policies and advice contained in guidance issued by SSCLG. In particular the examiner and the CDC failed to consider whether it was appropriate for the LNP to allocate land for more than 60 new dwellings in Loxwood;
The examiner and CDC gave no adequate or intelligible reasons for concluding that the LNP should allocate land for only 60 new dwellings;
The examiner and CDC erred in law: (a) by considering that the local Plan treats small windfalls (i.e. non-allocated sites for less than 6 dwellings) as being included within the indicative figure of 60 dwellings for Loxwood;
(b) by failing to deal with the claimant’s representation that the LNP fails to allow windfalls for 6 or more dwellings to be approved on non-allocated sites;
The scoring system used to select sites for allocation in the LNP was legally flawed, because (a) it had regard to an immaterial consideration, namely whether a site fell inside or outside the proposed revision of the settlement boundary for Loxwood, and (b) the treatment of the Nursery site as “previously developed land” involved a misreading of the definition of such land contained in the NPPF.
But Mr Justice Holgate concluded that all the grounds of challenge failed and that Crownhall’s applications for judicial review must be dismissed.
On grounds 1 and 2, the judge found that:
Reviewing the examiner’s reasoning fairly and as a whole it was self-evident why she considered it appropriate for the LNP to be made without increasing the plan’s allocation of housing beyond a minimum of 60 dwellings in aggregate at the Farm Place and Nursery sites under polices 4 and 5. She had accepted the district council’s case as to why there was no need for any additional allocation to be made in Loxwood at the time of considering the LNP.
There was nothing unlawful in the examiner or CDC proceeding on the basis that (i) the LNP allocated sufficient land to satisfy the draft local plan provision for Loxwood, (ii) criticisms of that provision were a matter for the local plan process, (iii) in any event the OAN (objectively assessed housing requirement) figures were not disaggregated to Loxwood Parish or to any other sub-area of the district and (iv) the claimant did not put forward any need figures for the parish in the examination.
The examiner (and hence CDC) discharged their respective obligations to give reasons.
Mr Justice Holgate rejected Crownhall’s third ground. “Even if there were to be a tension between the LNP and the local plan as regards larger windfall sites, contrary to the conclusion I have reached, that would not cause the LNP to fail to meet the requirement for general conformity with the strategic policies of the local plan,” he added.
On the fourth ground of challenge, in relation to the scoring system, Mr Justice Holgate said he saw “some force” in the criticisms made.
“For the purposes of this challenge I will assume that the corrections should have been made so as to result in the revised scores set out……,” he said.
“Nonetheless, the real question is whether this line of argument provides a basis for vitiating the conclusions drawn in the Examiner’s report and the decisions taken by CDC to put the LNP to a local referendum and to make the plan. I have reached the firm conclusion that it does not.”
The High Court judge added that ground 4 must fail, given that (a) the claimant’s sole objective had been to secure the modification of the LNP by adding the Crownhall site as a third housing allocation and (b) that case was rejected by the examiner and CDC for reasons which were freestanding and could not be impugned.
“The criticisms of the URS scoring exercise did not give rise to any material legal error in the process leading to the making of the LNP,” he said.