“Police and Crime Panels must be better equipped to hold PCCs to account: MPs”

Police and Crime Panels must be better equipped to hold Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCS) to account, MPs have said.

In a report the Home Affairs Select Committee (HASC) noted that the panels were the only mechanism for accountability of PCCs outside of elections every four years. The MPs said the panels and PCCs should meet a minimum of once every two months.

The report, Police and Crime Commissioners: here to stay, also said that – in order to improve transparency and accountability – there should be a a central register of PCCs’ interests and a centrally maintained list of PCC office costs.

The MPs added that:

Those Commissioners who will be elected in May must prioritise consolidating the work of their predecessors before considering further expansions of their role and powers.

It was “deeply concerning” that there had been so few applicants for recent Chief Constable vacancies. Many of these roles had been awarded to the incumbent Deputy Chief Constables, who often shared a close relationship with the relevant Police and Crime Commissioner.

PCCs should consolidate their profile in the communities they represent. Turnout at the next elections would be one measure of success in engagement.
Any expansion of the PCC role needed to be incremental and carefully judged. “The additional responsibilities for PCCs detailed in the Policing and Crime Bill in relation to fire and rescue, and in police complaints provide sufficient additional challenges for now, and PCCs should concentrate on the issues raised in this report, wider public engagement and their core role before broader expansion of their role is considered.”

Progress on the new Police Funding Formula must be brought forward, “as damaging delays are making it impossible for PCCs to fulfil their role of setting Force budgets. PCCs hands are tied by the stalled review which must be restarted urgently, with the establishment of the independent panel HASC called for in its December report.”

Keith Vaz MP, chair of the committee, said: “PCCs are here to stay. A series of measures would consolidate their role and effectiveness in local communities. This must begin with a central register of PCCs interests and a centrally maintained list of PCC office costs, so they can be better scrutinised by their electorate.

“We did not anticipate that the creation of PCCs would have such a dramatic effect on the appointment of Chief Constables. The pool of talent in policing is in danger of drying up, with so few applications for the most senior jobs in policing. PCCs must ensure applicants for Chief Constable roles have served at least two years in another Police Force at a senior rank, and not allow close working relationships with their Deputy Chief Constables to deter external applicants.”

Vaz added that newly elected office holders in May should not be burdened with too many additional responsibilities. “They are already due to be given more powers for Fire and Rescue Services and Police Complaints, and an even broader remit on top of this may prove overwhelming and these proposals should be paused.”

http://localgovernmentlawyer.co.uk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=26447%3Apolice-and-crime-panels-must-be-better-equipped-to-hold-pccs-to-account-mps&catid=55&Itemid=23

Is our LEP already in the doggie dirt?

The more Owl reads about what our Local Enterprise Partnership should be doing and what it does do, the more it seems that the LEP inhabits a totally different universe to us where its own rules don’t apply

Check out this publication from December 2014: Her Majesty’s Government LEP Framework. And then contrast it with what has happened in the two plus years since it was published.

Click to access bis-14-1241-local-enterprise-partnership-LEP-national-assurance-framework.pdf

Here are a few choice highlights – let’s start with one that appears on the very last page of the document (page 17):

“Business cases must be published (and publicised) before funding approval decision is made so that external comment is possible. Opinions expressed by the public and stakeholders must be available to LTB members when decisions are being take.”

Does anyone recall being consulted about ANYTHING by our LEP? Has anyone SEEN a business case for anything?

And there is more:

“… 3.1 It is important that LEPs have clear arrangements in place which enable effective and meaningful engagement of local partners and the public. They should operate transparently giving people confidence that decisions made are proper, based on evidence, and capable of being independently scrutinised.
3.2 We expect LEPs to take a proportionate approach to sharing and publishing information, using the prompts set out below as the basis for determining what they release. We fully expect that there will be information which is not appropriate for publication – including information that is commercially confidential, and expect LEPs to use their own discretion in determining what shouldn’t be published. Our expectation however, is that the public should see that the LEP is applying similar standards of transparency as other public sector organisations over decisions it makes over public funding. Within reason we would therefore expect LEPs to:
• have a dedicated website through which local partners and the public can keep in touch with progress on implementing the Growth Deal, access key documents etc;
• publish their arrangements for making, and recording decisions, and for ensuring that papers, decisions, minutes, agendas etc are published in line with existing local authority rules and regulations [access to information, Schedule 12A of the LGA 1972, as amended by the FOI 2000];
• through their accountable local authority, ensure that Freedom of Information and Environmental Information Regulation requests are dealt with in line with relevant legislation;
• have a published conflicts of interest policy, register of interests covering any decision makers, and published complaints policy;
• ensure that there is appropriate local engagement – both with public and private stakeholders to inform key decisions and with the general public around future LEP strategy development, and progress against delivery of the SEP, including key projects and spend against those;
• publish arrangements for developing, prioritising, appraising and approving projects, with a view to ensuring that a wide range of delivery partners can be involved (see also Part 5 on value for money below);
• clearly set out the LEP’s priorities and mechanisms for maximising the social value of its investment funding and activities so that partners and beneficiaries can play an active role in the programme. …

… 4.2 The lead local authority, working with relevant officers will need to put in place appropriate arrangements for the proper use and administration of funding, building on the existing local government systems, and which fall under the annual audit of the local authorities accounts. The accountable local authority would also be responsible for ensuring that decisions are made in accordance with the local LGF assurance framework. …

… 5.4 Across both of these aspects, LEPs should ensure that they have robust processes in place which ensure all funding decisions are based on impartial advice. The arrangements set out in the local assurance framework will need to ensure a clear separation between those acting as scheme promoters and those advising decision makers will be maintained, so that the LEP is acting on impartial advice on the merits of (potentially competing) business cases.

5.5 LEPs should also ensure that arrangements are in place which support the active management of risk across all matters for which the LEP is responsible, including but not limited to propriety and value for money issues. This should include having a named individual of appropriate seniority who is responsible for the identification and management of risk.”

ANYONE SEEN THE IMPARTIAL ADVICE? Until recently, we had no published agendas or minutes, and even now we get only notes not full minutes.

But what can we do? Who do we tell? The government doesn’t want to know, it just wants an annual report. Our councils? No, they have gone into this with little or no consultation.

It is left to us, the public to attempt to hold these people to account. And how do they respond?

Listen to the deafening silence.

Billions of pounds being given to a few businessmen and even fewer career politicians, some of whom have heavily vested interests.

And the blame for this cannot now be left at the door of Labour or coalition politicians.

It is a national scandal that no-one powerful enough is prepared to call out. And who suffers – us.

“Five ways to power the UK that are far better than Hinkley Point”

” … Electricity demand is already falling. The Somerset site for Hinkley C was approved in 2010 but since then UK demand has already fallen by more than the plant will produce, about 25TWh a year or 7% of today’s demand. Due to repeated delays, Hinkley C is unlikely to produce electricity much before 2030, by which time six Hinkleys’ worth of electricity could have been cut from the national demand, according to a McKinsey report for the government.”

http://gu.com/p/4htaf

The article goes on to say that five different approaches – wind, solar, cost reductions, inter-connection and improved storage and flexibility – are a more rational scenario than Hinkley C.

Which of these alternatives is our LEP researching for our region – none of them. It is firmly committed to this government’s political decision to plough ahead with Hinkley C whatever the cost.

This is what happens when you put unelected business people, chosen we know not how and many with vested interests, in charge of a regional economy

Gateshead asks sensible questions before committing to devolution

“Town hall leaders in the North East are making a series of demands on George Osborne on a number of key issues as talks to devolve powers to the region continue after councillors in Gateshead failed to endorse the latest deal.

An agreement would see the North East handed a raft of new powers and an extra £30m in regional funding in return for establishing an elected mayor as part of the Chancellor’s Northern Powerhouse agenda.

But Gateshead Council’s cabinet voted last week to reject the proposals, sparking doubts about whether the deal could be made.

The region’s six remaining local authorities are now looking to press ahead, but are calling for “clarification and commitment” from the Government on a number of “outstanding issues” from the Government before deciding whether to give their seal of approval to the multi-billion pound covenant.

The North East Combined Authority has set out a list of these issues ahead of further talks with the Government and has delayed making a final decision until May.

Newcastle Council’s leader Nick Forbes, whose council has endorsed the deal, said at a meeting of the authority’s leadership board: “None of us would have had this deal as a starting point, but it is important that we take this first step.”

Helen Golightly, North East Local Enterprise Partnership’s chief operating officer, said the meeting “underlined the region’s continued support for devolution”.

She said: “There are still matters where the local authorities feel they need more clarification from Government. The North East LEP remains fully supportive of the devolution process.”

She added: “Devolving powers will give us more opportunity to help drive the economic growth our region needs to contribute our full worth to the UK economy.”

Outstanding issues include a lack of certainty over £30m a year funding over 30 years and the need to “rural proof” investment to ensure rural areas are not left behind. The councils are also awaiting confirmation on how the Government plans to devolve funding for sustainable transport. Leaders also want further commitments to ensure the North East is not put at a financial disadvantage in relation to Scotland.

Jeremy Middleton, North East LEP board member and a mayoral candidate for the region, said the North East Combined Authority’s politicians were “holding the region back”.

He said: “This delay means there is a very real risk that the North East will be left behind again.”

A Government spokesman said: “The Government is making huge progress towards rebalancing Britain’s economy and empowering local areas through the devolution of powers and resources away from Whitehall.

“This is a bottom up process and if any local authority in the end decides it no longer wants to be part of it, then we will continue to work with those local partners who do, in order to make this historic opportunity in for the North East a reality.”

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/devolution-northern-powerhouse-gateshead-knocks-back-george-osborne-over-devolution-deal-for-north-a6957206.html

Cabinet Agenda – 5.30 p.m. Knowle, 6 April 2016 – a meaty mix of relocation and devolution WITH NO MEANINGFUL COSTINGS WHATSOEVER

144 pages

Minutes take up the first 31 pages

Relocation – pages 32-49
“This update is to advise on progress of the relocation plans and seek Cabinet agreement to further key actions”.
Appendix 1 – Floor plans Honiton HQ and Exmouth Town Hall refurbishment
Appendix 2 – Pegasus Life plan for Knowle Site buildings footprint
Appendix 3 – Service Delivery and Office Relocation Survey results summary

RECOMENDATIONS
;
“Knowle Site:
1. Note that Pegasus Life Ltd following public consultation exercises will be submitting its application for development of the Knowle site . The projected likely date of consideration of the application is July 2016
2.Note that Sidmouth Town Council has responded positively to the Deputy Chief Executive ‘s formal proposal to transfer the remaining Knowle Park to Town Council ownership together with a commuted sum and negotiations continue Honiton Heathpark
3. Note that preparations are underway by the design team to submit a planning application for new build Council offices at
Heathpark with a view to Planning Committee consideration in September 2016
4. Note that the new HQ design is moving from concept to detailed design of space allocations for desks, meeting spaces, storage, reception area, Chamber, member area, services and external works
5. Note that construction is planned to commence in November 2016 for a period of up to 12 months, followed by Client Fit Out
Works with occupation of the new HQ targeted for February 2018
6. Note that the Deputy Chief Executive has again met with businesses and staff at the East Devon Business Centre to discuss and advise on project progress Exmouth Town Hall
7. Note that the Deputy Chief Executive and design team have met with tenants of Exmouth Town Hall to discuss their needs,
concerns and expectations regarding the refurbishment of the building and its impact on their operations including any disruption or temporary displacement
8. Note that the Council has issued Section 25 notices to end the tenancies of Town Hall tenants to be followed by negotiation of
new tenancies
9. Note that refurbishment is planned to commence in Autumn 2016 and last between 8 – 10 months, followed by Client Fit Out
Works.

Other
10. That Cabinet approve the use of £47,040 of transformation funds for the additional scope required within the Electronic
Document Management System.
11. Note that the Council has appointed Interserve to provide the Pre Construction Advisory role through a two stage
competitive tender process based upon the CFSW Framework. As part of the second stage tender process, Interserve will be
asked to provide their firm fixed price tender for the Project Works later this Year. If in the event the received tender is not
acceptable a further tendering process will be carried out.
12. Note that there continues to be ongoing detailed engagement with staff and tenants regarding space allocation, twin site
facilities, team locations, internal design, fit out and operational requirements
13. Note that Members have received a presentation on new offices design and layout. Further presentations and discussion will be arranged as the project moves forward
14. Agree SMT’s decision to locate Housing Services in the main as well as availability of other front facing provision (Benefits,
Environmental Health, Planning) on the basis of the findings of the Service Delivery and Office Relocation Survey with
residents (attached at Appendix 3)
15. Note the successful recruitment of a Relocation Facilities Manager post to prepare and oversee the physical relocation of staff and resources”
FOLLOWED BY LOTS AND LOTS OF BUMPH ABOUT WHAT AN EXCELLENT IDEA RELOCATION IS – BUT WITH ALMOST NO NUMBERS …


Devolution – pages 50 – 92

Click to access 060416-combined-cabinet-agendasm.pdf

“To update members on progress of the Devolution Prospectus”
Appendix 1 – Governance Workshop Notes
Appendix 2 – Governance Workshop slides
Appendix 3 – Briefing key messages
Appendix 4 – HoSW Prospectus for Productivity presentation
Appendix 5 – HoSW Productivity Plan Workshop Meeting notes
FOLLOWED BY LOTS AND LOTS OF SLIDES ALL SHOWING WHAT A WONDERFUL THING DEVOLUTION IS – BUT WITH ALMOST NO NUMBERS …
AND ENDING WITH THIS WONDERFUL EXAMPLE OF ALMOST TOTALLY MEANINGLESS LEP JARGON:

“Conclusions and next steps
The key step was felt to be the development of a vision and criteria to drive the development of the productivity plan and the
work streams within the devolution prospectus. Building on the 6 golden opportunities exploring
a) what will move us forward rapidly
b) what will stop us moving backwards

Need this vision to be developed and agreed by our Leaders before we do too much more work within the theme areas.
Recognise that we need to keep the pace.

Twin track process:
The Productivity Plan being the longer term vision of transformation irrespective of what devolution deal we obtain. It will be an overarching plan that will drive ambition for the area.

Devolution – will work rapidly with government to agree a Heads of Terms similar to the East Anglia devolution
model and push for an early deal.

We could commission our universities to undertake some research to explore the options for transformational change in our area to inform the development.

Action:
The PMO will be asked to develop a Next Steps document for comment on the development of the vision, criteria, and the framework and resources required to deliver a shared plan.”

Devolution: the next 5 years – councillors should be ashamed of themselves for signing us up with no consultation

House of Commons
Communities and Local Government Committee
Devolution: the next five years and beyond. First Report of Session 2015–16 25 Jan 2016

Extracts

Devolution Objectives (Conclusion para 21)

“As set out above, our witnesses gave us many important and ambitious reasons for pursuing devolution, particularly so for health devolution. However, with the exception of increasing economic growth, we are not certain whether these are intended to be the measurable objectives of devolution and are not convinced that the Government itself is any clearer. We are also not satisfied that the Government has considered and identified how to measure the success of a devolution deal once in place.”

The Approach to Devolution (from para 24 and 25)

“….the current approach to devolution in England is overtly one of deal-making, which can be characterised as negotiations behind closed doors between central government and representatives of local authorities….
……Indeed, one of the consequences of deal-making is that devolution does not happen in a uniform manner; deals have so far been agreed with seven city regions and with Cornwall. Professor Pike described it as “very ad hoc” and “piecemeal”…..”

On Public Engagement (from para 51 and 52)

“We have been struck by the lack of discussion and consultation with the public in areas which have proposed, negotiated and agreed devolution deals.

At the question and answer session we held with residents during our visit to Greater Manchester, the vast majority of contributions, often made in angry tones, arose from the perceived lack of efforts by the combined authority to engage the public about the deal relating to their local area.

While many valid points were made, we note that attendees, having elected to attend the session, were not necessarily representative of all Greater Manchester residents who are likely to be less aware of devolution.

We were told that there had been a “complete, utter and total lack of democratic engagement”, “insufficient information” and that most people did not understand what Devo Manc was all about.

When we raised this with our Greater Manchester witnesses, Cllr Kieran Quinn, the Leader of Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council, said he fully accepted there could have been more transparency. Cllr Sue Jeffrey, the Leader of Redcar and Cleveland Borough Council, told us that Tees Valley had not consulted the public before signing up to a deal and Cllr Alan Rhodes, Leader of Nottinghamshire County Council, said they were talking about the deal in the media and would hold a public consultation once it was agreed.
…..Cllr Quinn reasoned that, as the deal was bringing new powers to local people, not taking them away, limited public engagement could be excused
……….

Conclusion (para 56)

“We think it is too late to engage the public only once a deal has been agreed. While it is reasonable that the actual negotiations are not open to the public, steps should be taken to inject more openness into the process by publishing on the relevant authorities’ websites:

• Devolution proposals and the Government’s counter-offers, within a reasonable time of them being made;
• An outline of what is being negotiated; and
• Drafts of the deal, and the text of the final deal.

The Government should also publish the criteria it uses to assess and agree proposals so local areas can refer to these when drawing up their devolution bid. A similar level of transparency should continue to be maintained once the deal has been agreed.”

Scrutiny (Conclusion para 77)

“As the DCLG says, the overview and scrutiny requirements in the Bill are an initial framework to be used as a basis for more robust provisions, which we believe have a role in fostering public confidence in the new arrangements, as well as balancing vested interests. These should be developed to suit the characteristics of the local areas as a result of deliberate efforts to hold active discussions at local level, with residents involved in designing new and more open methods of scrutiny.

Local areas need to give active consideration to how the mayor will work with the council leaders and how s/he will be held to account. Although the elected mayor is intended to be a ‘first among equals’, s/he may soon establish, or already have, a profile and position which makes this balance difficult to achieve.”

Devolution confusion

Unfortunately, the Committee did not tackle the situation where a Local Enterprise Partnership has greater powers than the Mayor. Though, of course, it is likely that one of the politicians currently on the LEP will become the devolved Mayor and will serve himself or herself AND the LEP as well as their own councils and us the common people!

But what a spanner could be thrown in the works if an Independent stood and won!

“Potential for confusion
…
78. From what we have seen and heard, we are very concerned that the public will not understand who will be responsible for what in their local area.

The Devolution Bill makes a distinction between the powers of the mayor and those of the combined authority which translates into the mayor and the combined authority being responsible for different services.

For example, in Greater Manchester, the interim mayor is responsible for transport, but not health, which is within Greater Manchester Combined Authority’s remit.

Some witnesses argued that this is not a problem in London where the Mayor of London’s responsibilities differ from those of the London Boroughs. But Alexandra Jones, the Chief Executive of the Centre for Cities, said this will need to be tackled as part of the “public education programme” around devolution and Professor Copus said that “the mayor, counties and the districts have to be prepared to point people in the right direction”.

When we put our concerns to the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, he said that it would be “for that mayor to make very clear the platform on which they stand and the things they are doing in office”.

Click to access 369.pdf

More alarm bells on devolution – from Parliament

The Government has announced a ‘devolution revolution’, transferring powers and opportunities to local government through a series of ‘devolution deals’.

Cities and Local Government Devolution Bill gives statutory authority to deals and enables some of the specific reforms the Government wishes to make, such as introducing directly-elected mayors for combined authorities. This inquiry set out to examine the contents of the Bill and, in particular, whether Greater Manchester’s deal is a model for other areas, but its scope quickly widened to a review of the way in which devolution in England is proceeding.

We strongly support the principle of devolution. We welcome the fact that, at the start of this new Parliament, it occupies such a prominent position on the Government’s agenda. We acknowledge the personal contribution of Greg Clark, whose support and involvement since 2010 has been key in driving devolution. We expect to see this commitment continue, and for it to be shared by an increasing number of Departments, over the next four and a half years.

We are acutely aware that all deals are at an early stage and need time to bed in, and that many devolution bids are still to be negotiated. We therefore expect to review progress by the end of this Parliament and at regular intervals thereafter. Although it was not the focus of this inquiry, in line with our predecessors, we will continue to press for fiscal devolution: our next inquiry will look at the plans to allow local authorities to retain 100 per cent of business rates, and we will review the progress made on fiscal devolution.

We have identified various aspects of the current approach that we recommend are refined and improved now. Otherwise, the policy risks being rushed and appearing driven by a purely political timetable. We see a role for scrutiny by select committees of the secondary legislation enacting deals and the Government’s annual report on devolution, required by the Bill.

We have found a significant lack of public consultation and engagement at all stages in the devolution process. People are keen to be involved; our public session in Greater Manchester highlighted residents’ strong appetite to be included and consulted. The public should be engaged in the preparation of devolution proposals, insofar as possible during the negotiations and once the results of a deal have begun to make an impact, and communicated to throughout the process. This is particularly the case for health devolution where the systems in place are complex, changes are consequently more difficult to understand and the public’s response is likely to be more emotional.

We also believe that the Government’s approach to devolution in practice has lacked rigour as to process: there are no clear, measurable objectives for devolution, the timetable is rushed and efforts are not being made to inject openness or transparency into the deal negotiations. We suggest various ways in which proper process can be ensured; for example, with an agreed timetable for the negotiation and agreement of a deal.

Once deals are up and running, there will be a complex division of responsibility – between local authorities, the combined authority and, in some places, the directly-elected mayor— which will not necessarily be apparent to the public. Responsibility needs to be determined in a way that makes sense to the public, and consideration of these issues should be a significant part of the deal-making process with the division of responsibilities clearly spelled out. We received no clear explanation as to how accountability under health devolution will work and have recommended that the Government revisits this issue. There is a need for a clear articulation of how health devolution will work.

We strongly believe that areas should be able to acquire further devolved powers over time. Where an area has asked for particular devolved powers but was refused, those powers should be available to it if they are given to other similar areas at a later date.

Our ambition is that, by the end of this Parliament, the Government and local authorities will reach the position of ‘devoylution by right’, with the Government having announced a package of powers that will be on o er to local government. is would be a starting point for even more ambitious and wide-ranging future deals and possibly a more comprehensive package of devolved measures agreed between Government and local government as a whole.”

Summary taken from:
Devolution: the next five years and beyond
First Report of Session 2015–16
Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report
Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 January 2016

http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201516/cmselect/cmcomloc/369/369.pdf

Regional newspapers pick up story on criticism of LEPs – our LEP fights back

Unfortunately, no mention of our LEP members conflicts of interest and their decision to spend much of our money on Hinkley C nuclear power plan (several board members are involved in nuclear power-related work, one (Midas) is a major player in a contract for Plymouth Docks regeneration).

“A lack of transparency and insufficient resourcing are just some of the criticisms levelled at the Government’s flagship scheme to deliver £400 million of investment in Devon and Cornwall. But at least the media is waking up.

The findings from the new report on Local Enterprise Partnerships also highlight “confusion” about their role in local devolution deals, and difficulties assessing value for money.

The critical report from spending watchdog the National Audit Office, suggests that five years on from their creation, there is still some way to go to ensure LEPs are delivering the economic growth they promised.

But organisation’s operating in South West have welcomed the report – arguing they have made strong progress in the creation of new jobs, homes and investment opportunities in the region.

“The role of LEPs has expanded rapidly.”

The Coalition Government launched the Local Enterprise Partnership programme in 2010 to replace the UK’s nine Regional Development Agencies. Since then, 39 LEPs have been established, including fone or Cornwall and Isles of Scilly (CIOS) and for Devon and South West Somerset (the Heart of the South West, or HotSW).

The aim of these bodies is to boost economic development at a local level, using funding from Local Growth deals to support business and infrastructure improvements. But over time, the NAO notes, they have taken on a “significant” number of responsibilities, including positions on local transport boards and leading roles in devolution deals.

HotSW board member, Tim Jones suggests LEPs have faced a “whirlwind” of changes in recent years. He says this has contributed to a sense of “doing business on the hoof”, as the Government devolves more and more powers.

“The NAO report marks a good time to pause, reflect and make sure we are doing it right,” he said. “Now that the questions are being asked, it’s an opportunity to make sure LEPs are fit for purpose.”

“LEPs do not possess the resources necessary.”

The Government has pledged to make a total of £12 billion available to LEPs between 2014/15 and 2019/20. So far, Cornwall has received £60 million from this fund, with a further £150 million put forward by private investors, HoTSW has been awarded £195.5 million.

LEPs also have an influential say in the allocation of European funding, in the area. This amounts to roughly £470 million for the CIOS area and £92 million for HoTSW.

However, according to the NAO report, only 5% of LEPs surveyed felt they had sufficient resources to deliver the services and projects expected of them. And as they rely heavily on partnerships with local authorities to achieve their aims, the study warns many will struggle as cuts to council budgets take their toll.

Mr Jones said challenges around resources affect all LEPs. But he is not in favour of increasing staff numbers and returning to “the bad old days of big bureaucracy”.

“As an example, the demands around devolution have been huge, around half of the LEP team has been diverted to writing the devolution agenda,” he said. “But the expectations of government need to be managed against the resources that are available, rather than the other way round.”

CIOS chief executive Sandra Rothwell stressed her LEP is keen to make sure as much funding as possible goes to economic growth “not organisation”. “We are a partnership and we work with councils, chambers of commerce and businesses in developing and implementing strategies,” she explained. “Could we use more [resources]? Yes of course. But it should be proportionate to the scale of the programmes we deliver.”

“LEPs… are not as transparent to the public as we would expect.”

Management of LEPs currently consist of a mixture of private sector representatives and local councillors. The NAO report found that the proportion of private sector membership ranged from 45% to 80% across the 39 bodies.

It says the Department for Communities and Local Government has taken steps to improve LEP governance and transparency. But it suggests the department should do more “to ensure that the required standards of governance and transparency are being met”.

At the Cornwall LEP, four of the 16 board members are elected councillors, with remaining members coming from local businesses and other professions. Ms Rothwell believes that this is a fair representation of public, private and voluntary sectors.

She also stresses that the LEP reports back to local authorities on its decisions, and makes information about board members and their registered interests available online.

“Most of our resources are focussed on running an accountable process, because at the end of the day this is public money,” she added. “We were one of just seven LEPs in England interviewed in depth for this report and we received excellent feedback on our own systems and processes.”

At HotSW, six of the 20 board members are councillors – a ratio Mr Jones describes as a “healthy balance”. He also states that prospective board members face a “very rigorous” selection process.

“I think [the mix] has created an understanding about the needs of the business community, and improved their understanding of the needs of the local authority,” he said. HotSW also published information on board members and meetings on its website.

“It is not clear how LEPs fit into devolution.”

The NAO notes that ministers see LEPs as “central” to their plans for English devolution. But it claims LEPs are often “uncertain of their role within a more devolved landscape”, particularly in areas where their boundaries do not match those of the combined authority.

Ms Rothwell said CIOS, which leads on the employment and skills and business supports aspects of Cornwall’s devolution deal, is “very clear” on its involvement. “This one of the strengths that Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly has in terms of focus and geography,” she said. “So we are in a slightly different place than other LEPs].”

The Heart of the South West devolution submission is still in the bid stage. As the name suggests, it corresponds with the area covered by the LEP, but Mr Jones said their role is as “an observer and a consultee” in the process. “There is some degree of confusion around the fact that it is not a complete deal… but it is being led quite rightly by the local authorities,” he said.

“LEPs are at the heart of driving local growth”

Both the Cornwall and Isles of Scilly LEP and the HotSW LEP maintain that they are well on their way to hitting their targets for growth, but it is “too early” to accurately measure their success. They also stress that the NAO report is a “general” comment on the LEP model, and not an assessment of individual bodies.

The DCLG argues the study “misses the point”. A spokesman said: “LEPs are pivotal to driving local economic growth and have an important leadership role in devolution. That is why we have announced this week a further £1.8 billion through a new round of Growth Deals, maintaining our commitment to a £12 billion Local Growth Fund over the course of the Parliament.”

LEP targets for 2020/21

Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly LEP aims to:
Create 20,000 new jobs
See superfast broadband rolled out to 100% of homes and businesses
Build 13,000 homes
Support the creation of at least 336 new businesses
Upgrade the Night Riviera sleeper service

Heart of the South West LEP aims to:
Create 22,000 new jobs
Build 10,000 new homes a year
Reduce rail journeys between Plymouth and London to 2 hours 45 mins
See 95% superfast broadband roll out
Achieve partial dualling of A303/A30 corridor

Further analysis

Torbay MP and Public Accounts Committee member Kevin Foster: “The NAO report highlights the role our local LEPs play in economic development policy, but with this responsibility must come better accountability. It is right that LEPs can decide what reflects local priorities, rather than have them set by government or quangos across artificial regions that do not reflect our actual economic areas. Yet with the amount of money spent via them there needs to be clear measures to ensure the taxpayer gets value for money.”

Devon councillor and HotSW board member Andrew Leadbetter: “The Heart of the South West LEP has successfully enabled the private and public sectors to work together more efficiently to improve the lives of residents by creating jobs, attracting investment and in increasing the diversity of the regional economy. Together we will continue to improve productivity and growth in the region and I look forward to continuing to work with government and our regional partners Plymouth, Somerset and Torbay in the future.”

http://www.plymouthherald.co.uk/know-LEPs-New-report-raises-transparency-fears/story-28993422-detail/story.html

National Audit Office criticism of Local Enterprise Partnerships in more detail

“The National Audit Office has expressed concern at the level of transparency provided by Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) and the failure to test their governance assurance frameworks.

In a report on LEPs, the spending watchdog also warned that the approach taken by the Department for Communities and Local Government to overseeing Growth Deals risked future value for money.

Amyas Morse, head of the National Audit Office, said: “LEPs’ role has expanded rapidly and significantly but they are not as transparent to the public as we would expect, especially given they are now responsible for significant amounts of taxpayers’ money.

“While the Department has adopted a ‘light touch’ approach to overseeing Growth Deals, it is important that this doesn’t become ‘no touch’. The Department needs to do more to assure itself that the mechanisms it is relying on ensure value for money are, in fact, effective.”

The NAO report acknowledged that the DCLG had acted to promote standards of governance and transparency in LEPs, and all 39 LEPs had frameworks in place to ensure regularity, propriety and value for money by March 2015.

But it noted that the Department had yet to test the implementation of such assurance frameworks at the time that Growth Deals were finalised. The watchdog said it had found “considerable gaps” in LEPs’ compliance with the DCLG’s requirements in this regard, and that the availability and transparency of financial information varied across LEPs.

The NAO highlighted how, with the advent of the Local Growth Fund, the amount of central government funding received by LEPs was projected to rise to £12bn between 2015-16 and 2020-21 via locally negotiated Growth Deals.

“The Department, however, has not set specific quantifiable objectives for what it hopes to achieve through Growth Deals, meaning that it will be difficult to assess how they have contributed to economic growth,” it suggested.

The report also revealed serious reservations among LEPs themselves about their capacity to deliver and the increasing complexity of the local landscape.

The NAO said: “To oversee and deliver Growth Deal projects effectively, LEPs need access to staff with expertise in complex areas such as forecasting, economic modelling and monitoring and evaluation. Only 5% of LEPs considered that the resources available to them were sufficient to meet the expectations placed on them by government. In addition, 69% of LEPs reported that they did not have sufficient staff and 28% did not think that their staff were sufficiently skilled.”

The report revealed that LEPs relied on their local authority partners for staff and expertise, and that private sector contributions had not yet materialised to the extent expected. In addition, there was a risk that projects being pursued would not necessarily optimise value for money, the watchdog said.

“Pressure on LEPs to spend their Local Growth Fund allocation in year creates a risk that LEPs will not fund those projects that are most suited to long term economic development. Some LEPs reported that they have pursued some projects over others that, in their consideration, would represent better value for money. LEPs have also found it challenging to develop a long-term pipeline of projects that can easily take the place of those that are postponed.”

http://localgovernmentlawyer.co.uk/

LEP statistics – not good news

These were in notes for Editors but are too important to languish in notes:

Notes for Editors
39
Number of Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) in England

£12bn
Local Growth Fund available to LEPs between 2015-16 and 2020-21

Up to 419,500
Jobs to be created by LEPs’ Growth Deals according to LEPs

£7.3 billion
Amount of the Local Growth Fund which has been allocated as of March 2016

£2 billion
Annual funding to LEPs from the Local Growth Fund from 2015-16 to 2020-21

£627.5 million
Largest Growth Deal awarded to a single LEP: Leeds City Region

45% to 80%
Range of private sector board membership in LEPs

87%
Percentage of LEPs for which we were unable to obtain information on senior staff remuneration from publicly available accounts.

68%
Estimated real-terms reduction in local authority net expenditure on economic development between 2010-11 and 2015-16

42%
Of LEPs say that they do not publish a register of interests

49%
Of LEPs agreed or strongly agreed that there are clear lines of accountability from the LEP to the local electorate

£85 million
Estimated underspend on Local Growth Fund projects for 2015-16

5%
Percentage of LEPs agreed or strongly agreed that resources available to LEPs are enough to meet the expectations placed on them by government

8
Median number of full-time equivalent staff employed by LEPs.

https://www.nao.org.uk/press-releases/local-enterprise-partnerships/

National Audit Office raises concerns about Local Enterprise Partnerships

Nice to see that the NAO agrees with Owl!

“The role and remit of Local Enterprise Partnerships has grown significantly and rapidly since 2010, but as things stand, the approach taken by the Department of Communities and Local Government to overseeing Growth Deals risks future value for money, according to the National Audit Office.

The government encouraged the establishment of LEPs as private sector-led strategic partnerships which would determine and influence local growth priorities. With the advent of the Local Growth Fund, the amount of central government funding received by LEPs is projected to rise to £12 billion between 2015-16 and 2020-21 via locally negotiated Growth Deals. The Department, however, has not set specific quantifiable objectives for what it hopes to achieve through Growth Deals, meaning that it will be difficult to assess how they have contributed to economic growth.

Today’s report found that LEPs themselves have serious reservations about their capacity to deliver and the increasing complexity of the local landscape. To oversee and deliver Growth Deal projects effectively, LEPs need access to staff with expertise in complex areas such as forecasting, economic modelling and monitoring and evaluation. Only 5% of LEPs considered that the resources available to them were sufficient to meet the expectations placed on them by government. In addition, 69% of LEPs reported that they did not have sufficient staff and 28% did not think that their staff were sufficiently skilled. The NAO found that LEPs rely on their local authority partners for staff and expertise, and that private sector contributions have not yet materialised to the extent expected.

In addition, there is a risk that projects being pursued will not necessarily optimise value for money. Pressure on LEPs to spend their Local Growth Fund allocation in year creates a risk that LEPs will not fund those projects that are most suited to long term economic development. Some LEPs reported that they have pursued some projects over others that, in their consideration, would represent better value for money. LEPs have also found it challenging to develop a long-term pipeline of projects that can easily take the place of those that are postponed.

The Department has acted to promote standards of governance and transparency in LEPs, and all 39 LEPs had frameworks in place to ensure regularity, propriety and value for money by March 2015. The Department, however, had not tested the implementation of such assurance frameworks at the time that Growth Deals were finalised. The NAO found that there are considerable gaps in LEPs’ compliance with the Department’s requirements in this regard, and that the availability and transparency of financial information varied across LEPs.

“LEPs’ role has expanded rapidly and significantly but they are not as transparent to the public as we would expect, especially given they are now responsible for significant amounts of taxpayers’ money. While the Department has adopted a ‘light touch’ approach to overseeing Growth Deals, it is important that this doesn’t become ‘no touch’. The Department needs to do more to assure itself that the mechanisms it is relying on ensure value for money are, in fact, effective.”

Amyas Morse, head of the National Audit Office, 23 March 2016″

https://www.nao.org.uk/press-releases/local-enterprise-partnerships/

“Democracy: the missing link in the devolution debate”

“Key findings

Of the arguments made for devolution, 41.6% focus on achieving economic growth as the main justification for devolving power.

Only 12.9% of arguments make the case for devolution in order to shift power, strengthen democracy, and increase citizen involvement in decision-making.

Just 7.4% of arguments address inequalities in wealth and power between regions.

Environmental sustainability is part of just 0.8% of arguments.

Only 2.9% of arguments address the potential downsides and risks of devolution.

Local governments in particular seldom consider the impact of devolution on democracy, discussing democratic outcomes less than central government or think-tanks.

For full report, see:

http://www.neweconomics.org/publications/entry/democracy-the-missing-link-in-the-devolution-debate

Chardstock and Dunkeswell: Scrutiny Committee report throws up worrying matters

How sensible it was of Councillor Gardner to make her own recording of this meeting, as it appears the Council’s own audio equipment broke down for this section of the meeting.

What follows is Councillor Gardner’s report.

Scrutiny of late amendments to the Local Plan: what did we learn?
Written by Cathy Gardner on 22-Mar-2016. Posted in Cathy Gardner EDA web site:

“On Thursday 17 March 2016, EDDCs Scrutiny Committee finally examined what went on in March last year when, at the 11th hour, two changes to the draft Local Plan (LP) were voted through. Using clear criteria, Officers had compiled a list of ‘sustainable’ villages, which excluded Dunkeswell and Chardstock. However, at the final Development Management Committee (DMC) meeting for the LP, Dunkeswell was added to the list and at the extra-ordinary Council meeting to finalise the LP, Chardstock was added in. These actions were taken without any request for Officers to verify the evidence supporting the changes.

The decision to include Dunkeswell was made on the suggestion by the then-ward member that a school was going to be built. This was not the case. Arguments made in support of Chardstock by the Deputy Leader Andrew Moulding, on behalf of the ward member, the Leader of the Council Paul Diviani, were also erroneous.

It seems that Planning Officers did not think it was necessary (or even appropriate) to check the information stated by the then ward member for Dunkeswell, despite there being time to do this before the Council meeting. Even more interesting was the assertion by the Councils’ Legal Advisor that it is not the role of any officer (including the CEO Mark Williams) to “…withhold decision-making powers from Councillors” (1). This may be true but surely Officers must give clear advice to Councillors, especially if a proposed decision might be unsound. In this case the CEO did not provide clear advice (2) to full Council that they were being asked to vote on amendments which were both against Planning Officer advice and based on information that had not been verified. He did not suggest that Members might prefer to ask for the information to be confirmed before voting or that making a decision under these circumstances was inadvisable.

The urge to get the draft LP signed off seems to have overridden any caution that making last minute changes might be unsound. Fortunately, in these cases, the Inspector did not uphold the changes and neither village is now in the ‘sustainable’ list. Unfortunately there have been consequences for Chardstock and development was approved on the understanding that the village was to be classified as ‘sustainable’.

So, apparently, Members can make unfounded and unconfirmed assertions and if other Members accept what they are told, they can vote through changes to a document as vital as the LP, contrary to the result of proper process and Officer advice without any difficulty. In the end the Council is accountable for its decisions and they should be evidence-based, but the only recourse for communities affected by an error is a Judicial Review (JR). If someone can afford to bring a JR and wins, the result will be a cost to the Council – which is our money. There are no sanctions for any Members who may present incorrect information to bring such a result about.

Can this happen again?

Yes, almost certainly. In the short term the Villages Development Plan is being finalised. In the medium term the LP will be up for review. So there will always be opportunities for incorrect information to be used to sway the content of development plans.

So what can we do?

I suppose the only thing we can do is to be alert to events like this and make efforts to call them out as they happen; to request that Officers confirm what is being suggested and to ask for any vote to be deferred until this has happened. We have to insist that all decisions are based on sound evidence.

The lesson for Members has to be to not take anything at face value, no matter who says it. Put the interests of residents first, follow evidence-based advice and do not be swayed by persuasive speakers. And perhaps wonder about the motives behind such actions.

Personal audio recording of Scrutiny Committee meeting, March 17 2016 (Council system broke down during this part of the meeting), C Gardner
2. Audio recording of extra-ordinary Council Meeting, March 26 2015, EDDC website (2:42:44) http://eastdevon.gov.uk/recordings/council/eocouncil260315recording

Source: Scrutiny of late amendments to the Local Plan: what did we learn?
Written by Cathy Gardner on 22-Mar-2016. Posted in Cathy Gardner

Devolution: more concerns

” … The All-Party Political Group on Reform, Decentralisation and Devolution concluded that a significant shift of power from national to local level is essential as part of a coherent and ambitious approach to devolution. This would need to include much greater fiscal autonomy for local areas to overcome decades of centralisation.
Today’s Devolution and the Union paper warns that greater localism can only succeed if members of the public believe their local areas – not Whitehall – are leading it.

As a result, the reports concludes that there should be no limits put on what might be devolved in England, but agreement on what functions remain at a UK level within a “reserved powers” model, similar to the approach adopted with the Scottish Parliament. …”

http://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2016/03/kerslake-calls-radical-and-far-reaching-devolution

…‘‘The devolution of power to local areas in England must not be seen as an end in itself but a process aimed at tailoring local business environments to make them better places for business growth,’’ saidTerry Scuoler, chief executive of EEF.
‘‘Ultimately, local decision makers and businesses will need a sustained dialogue on how they can make their local areas places in which businesses can prosper.’’
‘‘To date, however, business has felt disengaged from the process of devolution. For it to succeed in England, business must be fully signed up as partners in the negotiation and delivery of devolution deals.’’
‘‘This must include a key role for LEPs and a focus on areas where tangible outcomes can be delivered in the near term, especially in transport infrastructure,’’

SME Insider, October 2015

Whitehall or Knowle?

For Whitehall substitute EDDC and for the Treasury, substitute its Cabinet and it seems that it may not just be in Whitehall that the Conservatives have a problem.

” … Whitehall (EDDC) is today more preoccupied with short-term news management than the minutiae of policies that may not feel like a political priority at the time. This is exacerbated by the destructive process of the now twice-yearly spending rounds, where the Treasury (Cabinet) makes demands on departments so the chancellor (Leader) can square the books for the latest set-piece budget or spending statement, and made worse by the high turnover of personnel in the Treasury (Cabinet officers) – in excess of 20% a year. This means that the brightest but most inexperienced brains are often dictating policy to departments who know all too well the disastrous effects of poor spending decisions but are powerless to resist the combined might of Nos 10 and 11, (the CEO and the Leader) with their armies of spads and policy advisers. In fact, “policy” becomes no more than the latest demand in the name of the prime minister or chancellor, (CEO or Leader) rather than the considered and consulted approach that departments are so often disempowered to follow through.

The lesson is the paradox of ministers’ (Cabinet members) experience: the more the Treasury (Cabinet) centralises “to get things done”, the less actually gets done, because the officials and structures capable of carrying out real and rational action in departments are frustrated or discouraged from making decisions. The one thing that is delegated is blame. Only after things start to go wrong are those ministers (Cabinrt members) and officials (officers) given responsibility and made accountable. Thus the Treasury (Cabinet) was blaming Iain (Independents or Sidmouth – take your pick!) for the failure of the personal independence payment policy (relocation, regeneration, beach huts – take your choice again!) that it imposed in the first place. It is time for Downing Street (Knowle) to change its ways.

(Bernard Jenkin is chairman of the public administration and constitutional affairs select committee)

http://gu.com/p/4hyec

East Devon Alliance evidence to National Audit Office on devolution

“Local Enterprise Partnerships accountability and value for money
Comments by East Devon Alliance submitted 18 March 2016

1. Lack of regional logic to LEP grouping

1.1. The key problems limiting growth in the South West are inadequate communications: road; rail; air; broadband and mobile telecoms, through the narrow peninsular. These are limited by a topography that becomes progressively more challenging the further west you go. Yet, instead of treating the peninsular as a single entity, it is split. Cornwall, which is already a unitary authority, has gone it alone and already been given limited devolved powers covering: bus services and local investment; and integrated health and social services. Devon and Somerset LEP have just submitted a bid which is much more ambitious.

1.2. What is the value and regional logic underpinning these LEP groupings?

2. Constitutional Issues and lack of engagement

2.1. “Heart of the South West” (HOTSW) (Devon and Somerset including Plymouth and Torbay unitary authorities) LEP lodged a bespoke articles of association (constitution) and became incorporated at Companies House on 6 Feb 2014; adding clauses, for example, that removed the asset lock, fundamental to Community Interest Companies (CIC), in certain circumstances.

2.2. It is a private CIC company run by a board of 21 Directors who are self-selecting. Six of these are elected councillors from six of the 17 local and unitary authorities across the two counties. There are only four women and no ethnic minorities on the board. No minutes of meeting have been available in the public domain until the last few days. First information began to filter out in Sept 2015 with publication of a statement of intent. Even politically savvy individuals are essentially still in the dark. Little publicity has been given to the submitted bid so far.

2.3. County Councillors, not part of the controlling group, claim that the first they knew of what was going on was around October 2015 when final proposals were debated. They certainly knew nothing at the time the LEP held its first meeting in July 2012. One Independent Councillor tabled an amendment at the October 2015 meeting to allow for public consultation. This seems to have been accepted but no consultation had taken place before the bid was lodged with Central Government. Local district councillors were similarly kept in the dark. In East Devon District Council it seems that the leader, who is a LEP Director, was given fully delegated authority to negotiate. He may have reported to cabinet but not to members. Local authority whipping, with highly constrained debate in some councils, ensured that all councils signed up to the deal. There has been no engagement with the public. The residents of the two counties are not even considered stakeholders in the company.

2.4. How accountable and transparent has this exercise been? What negative effect has it had on democracy?

3. Governance and transparency

3.1. In a 2011 survey, 47% of people felt that UK local government was affected by corruption. We, in East Devon, are particularly sensitised to this possibility following a Daily Telegraph sting operation in 2013 when a local councillor, one time Chair of the local business forum, claimed he could help to secure planning permission, but that he didn’t come cheap. He eventually resigned.

3.2. It seems inescapable that Directors of LEPs will, and should, have close connections to the businesses in their region; and the HOTSW constitution contains the usual requirements to declare interests and conflicts of interest. There appears, however, to be no scrutiny or public audit mechanism to oversee this, and according to the 17 November minutes “Feedback from business indicates that they are not very concerned about governance”.

3.3. To date we have found no details of contracts or service level agreements made. We have been unable to discover how much is being spent on salaries, pensions, admin, etc. Yet HOTSW has been given £65.2M in the second round of the growth deal. HOTSW has a PO Box number but no address

3.4. Is an adequate system of checks and balances in place to scrutinise, account for and control LEP expenditure?

4. Representation

4.1. The business enterprises, other than utilities and health, represented on the Board are Defence (2), Universities (2), Developers (2 or 3 depending how you classify a planning lawyer).

4.2. How effectively can this LEP represent and promote the interests of the small businesses typically found in a rural area (tourism, agriculture, distribution, small builders etc)?

5. Is the proposal soundly based and good value for money?

5.1. The bid to Central Government made by “Heart of the South West” is to build 179,000 more new homes in the next 15 years; boost productivity and create 163,000 new jobs, adding around £20 billions to the local economy through better jobs and higher skills; improve roads and railways, reducing travel time; and reshape the health and care system to meet social, economic and financial pressures. This represents a planned annual growth of 3%+ which by their own admission even Bristol, Birmingham and Nottingham collectively have not achieved in the last 15 years. These three cities have a similar population to the rural one of Devon and Somerset. Regrettably, in Devon and Somerset, we start from an un-competitively low base with productivity only 80% of national levels. Hinkley Point C, located in the north east corner of Somerset and well connected to the Midlands, is claimed to be one of the Golden Opportunities to make this transformation. The gain in jobs across the whole UK from this project is estimated at 25,000, well short of the 163,000 quoted above. Hinkley Point C is years behind schedule and slipping.

5.2. Overall the proposal is lightweight, lacking detailed evidence, risk analyses, targets, critical success factors etc.

5.3. Many of the 17 Local Authorities in the two counties have just gone through a painstaking analysis of housing and economic growth assessment. They have conducted formal Strategic Housing Market Assessments which have been scrutinised in public by a Planning Inspector. These appear to have been replaced by assumptions lacking a realistic economic assessment.

5.4. What is the value for money of this duplication of effort concerning growth assumptions? Is the bid of 3%+ annual growth over 15 years based on realistic and sound economic assumptions, given that all the other LEPs across the country are making similar assessments and projections for long term UK growth are much lower? How is success to be monitored?

5.5. As a matter of curiosity we have examined another bid from D2N2 Local Enterprise Partnership (promoting economic growth in Derby, Derbyshire, Nottingham and Nottinghamshire). There appear to be some marked similarities to the HOTSW bid.

5.6. To what extent is effort being duplicated across the country by LEPs all essentially doing the same thing? Is this good use of scarce public funds?”

Freedom of Information: another reason for IDS resignation – and implications for Knowle?

Very reminiscent of the Knowle fiasco. Is it time for an FoI on financial aspects of the move that have hitherto bern kept secret?

“Iain Duncan Smith has surprised political pundits and colleagues by unexpectedly announcing his resignation last night as Minister for Work and Pensions. He had been the focus of much anger against austerity measures during his time in office as he oversaw a number of severe cuts to benefits. According to Mr Duncan Smith, his resignation is in response to this week’s Budget as he said the government’s cuts to disability benefits were “not defensible” at the same time as tax-cuts for high earners.

However, a legal decision this week has come to light which may also have had some bearing on the Minister’s decision. The DWP has been ordered to release potentially damaging documents after a four year long legal battle to suppress them.

In 2012, Freedom of Information requests were submitted to the Department for a number of reports relating to the early stages of Universal Credit. The reports contain details of problems and concerns which DWP staff raised about the programme and the outcome of a high-level review of the scheme. The DWP refused to reveal the information.

Appeals were submitted to the Information Commission who decided that all but one of the requested reports should be published. The DWP contested this again and a lengthy legal battle ensued. This week, once more, another judge ruled that they must publish the information.

The DWP has said it is suppressing the reports because they were compiled on the assumption that the information would remain internally and that if they were to become public knowledge, it would have the “chilling effect” of staff no longer briefing the Department completely honestly as they would always be wary that the information would get out.

However, critics have argued that the Department is more likely to be concerned that information in the reports is damning or embarrassing for the DWP and by extension its Minister, Mr Duncan Smith.

In particular, the DWP has projected that the Universal Credit scheme would be extended to 12 million claimants by 2017. However, figures suggest that a mere 200,000 have joined the scheme, which would represent a gross failure to meet the target.

The Independent has contacted The Department for Work and Pensions for comment.”

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/iain-duncan-smith-lost-court-battle-to-suppress-publication-of-potentially-embarrassing-dwp-memos-a6940881.html

Daily Telegraph works out that devolution is undemocratic and unaccountable

“Voters don’t want them, but the march of the mayors is now unstoppable
George Osborne is forcing local devolution upon English cities and regions that have already declined it

“In Bertolt Brecht’s poem The Solution, he imagines the fury of a Soviet commissar when a vote goes the wrong way. “Would it not be easier,” he muses, “to dissolve the people, and elect another?”

George Osborne must have had similar thoughts four years ago when he asked 10 cities, in a referendum, if they’d like a directly-elected mayor. Nine said “no”. It was the wrong answer – as they are now finding out.

In his Budget this week, the Chancellor told us more about his plan to correct the misguided souls of Birmingham, Coventry, Manchester and Sheffield. Local authority chieftains are being offered more powers (and, doubtless, accompanying pay rises) on the condition that they accept a mayor.

The Chancellor has promised that he, personally, will “not impose this model on anyone” because his new municipal friends will do the imposing. But he has said he will not “settle for less” than the mayors which the voters so ungratefully rejected. More local democracy is coming, whether the public want it or not.

It’s hard not to admire his audacity. Soon, all nine of the cities which rejected the offer of a mayor in referendum will have one anyway. Groups of councils are given extra powers – over areas like housing and policing – in return for accepting Osborne’s mayor.

When a deal is struck, it allows him to say that “Greater Manchester has agreed to have a mayor” – when the people of Manchester have had no say in the matter whatsoever. He is referring to local politicians. In this way, the Chancellor has been able to force regional devolution upon an England that really doesn’t want it – and bring fundamental change in our democracy with no real debate.

As ever, with George Osborne, there is a political agenda. The Tories are weak in the north of England and he wants to reverse this by positioning himself as the creator of a “Northern Powerhouse” and striking alliances with Labour mayors. Then come the cuts: his Budget earmarks 2019 as a year of fiscal terror with more austerity than any year so far.

Devolution means that local authorities will help him swing the axe; the more they control, the more cuts they’ll make. But they don’t protest. We’re seeing the emergence of Osborne’s Law: that no local government ever refuses the offer of more power.

The Chancellor has a great love of US politics, and is beginning to apply it to Britain. We are seeing US-style city mayors even in places like Lincolnshire and the West of England, which aren’t cities.

We’re also seeing US-style pork barrel politics, a practice whereby the Chancellor rewards his allies by granting public money to their pet projects.

The appendix of his Budget book yesterday listed the gifts from the new Court of King George. For Birmingham (whose council has agreed to a mayor) a £14 million “innovation centre”. To Bristol, similarly compliant, a new junction on the M4 and £620,000 for a “Brunel Project”. It all underlines the unwritten rule of this Government: if you’re good to Georgie, Georgie’s good to you.

As Nigel Lawson once observed, the worst mistakes in politics are made when there is a cross-party consensus: it means the ideas are not being properly probed, and sloppy thinking can become sloppy policy. So it is with mayors. It was a Labour idea, later adopted by the Tories and also endorsed by the Liberal Democrats – so instead of debates, we have had an orgy of mutual congratulation. Aside from a few caustic remarks from the Communities Select Committee, no one has pointed out the flaws in this radical remake of English local government.

Which is odd, because the flaws are perfectly evident to the voters who tried to stop all this when given the chance. Since 2001, there have been 50 mayoral referendums, of which just 15 agreed to mayors. Many have come to regret it. The characters who scrape through are seldom adverts for the project. Mayors have ended up embroiled in scandals ranging from electoral fraud (Tower Hamlets) to the theft of ladies’ underwear (Scunthorpe). The Tories fantasise about populating the provinces with little Boris Johnsons. But the experience of local government tends to be less than encouraging. No matter how beautiful the political theory, decent mayors are hard to find in practice.

There are, of course, examples of brilliant local government leadership – chiefly in Manchester, upon which Mr Osborne’s plan is based. But there’s a limit to how far the Manchester template can be replicated. The Chancellor’s latest idea this week was a Mayor for East Anglia, a wildly and gloriously disparate region.

Businesses in Cambridge have tried to point out the flaw: they compete on a global, not a regional, stage. They don’t need or want a new regional bureaucracy. But the Chancellor wants it, and other parties want it, so it’s happening.

Then comes the problem of accountability: every councillor in Manchester City Council is a Labour one; every councillor in Mid Sussex Council is Tory. There are other huge political imbalances in town halls across the country, because every party struggles to keep a genuinely national presence.

Then there’s the decline of the local press, which also raises questions about scrutiny: there is now just one dedicated education correspondent left in Scotland, for example. There’s all too much to write about: the rise of educational inequality has been one of Scotland’s worst national scandals.

Not so long ago, Scots and the Welsh were being told what England is being told now: that UK government is broken, power needs to be devolved, local is always better.

Almost two decades later, you can search in vain for any public service that is better than in England. NHS Wales has been a disaster. New politicians tend to hoard the powers which have been passed down to them. So when Tony Blair was granting voters the choice of schools and hospitals they used, politicians in Edinburgh and Wales kept the power for themselves. This is the paradox: Scottish parents and patients have less power, because of devolution.

At least, before all of this, the Scots and the Welsh had a proper debate and a referendum. England has been denied a debate, and the results of its referendums have been ignored. The march of the mayors is, now, unstoppable. England’s only option is to hope that they work.”

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/georgeosborne/12197321/Voters-dont-want-them-but-the-march-of-the-mayors-is-now-unstoppable.html

To orrow’s budget critical for role of Local Enterprise Partnerships and democratic deficit

From democraticaudit.com website

“The Budget on Wednesday will give a strong indication of how the government’s devolution programme will play out, whether it will it lead to meaningful change in centre-local relations, or whether it will be another instance of central government using councils as a tool to implement their wider programme.

Success will depend on a few crucial factors:

How well it actually delivers on its promise to increase economic growth, which, many critics have warned, is not a given.

Where the goal posts end up. In practice devolution is a process, not a single event. The Cities and Local Government Devolution Act provides a framework but we are yet to see what will actually be made of it and how future deals will be made.

Rural areas. The driving force behind devolution was always growth in cities, so what happens in (largely Tory) county deals will be important.
National governments’ policy goals often play out in the arena of local government. Historically, the changes that are imposed on councils are the product of the wider political programmes that parties adopt when they come in to power.

The current plan is to use councils as a mechanism to drive balanced economic growth. They will be made financially independent by 2020, with the power to keep and vary business rates, as well as other local taxes, as an incentive to encourage businesses and economic activity.

Local government has borne the brunt of financial reform so far. There is a yawning gap between the resources required to run services and those available. Meanwhile there is the long-standing imbalance between prosperous and less-prosperous parts of the country, particularly between the South East and the North.

Governments have been seeking geographical “enabling frameworks” in order to promote development throughout England. City-regions are the most recent iteration and the government leapt on them as a model for reforming and innovating at scale. Perhaps their greatest champion of cities is Lord Heseltine, whose 2012 paper No Stone Left Unturned: In pursuit of local growth made the case for streamlined city governance and greater local control over economic development.

It soon became apparent that this would be the focus for a Conservative government and the first wave of city-deals came in 2012, followed by a second wave in 2013-14.

Since Heseltine’s paper the government deployed an interesting deal-based, almost Burkean, style of policy making. Rather than rushing to put together a national framework for devolution, government opened up the bidding, allowing councils to submit proposals for how their area might use devolved powers.

The first deal was struck with the Greater Manchester Combined Authority in November 2014, followed by deals with Sheffield and West Yorkshire before the 2015 election, and Cornwall, the North East, Tees Valley, West Midlands and Liverpool City Region after the election.

Yet the government knows what it likes and it knows what it doesn’t. As the negotiation process has extended beyond cities to counties and non-metropolitan areas there are some very clear ideas in Westminster about what these deals should entail. They must be business oriented, for example, with a prominent role for Local Enterprise Partnerships, and there is an enthusiasm for mayors, which seems to be getting stronger with time.

And now the Cities and Local Government Devolution Act has established a legal framework for devolution. Amendments, written in to the Act late in its passage through Parliament, give wide scope for the Secretary of State to make governance changes to local authorities, including to the constitution and members, as well as the structure, electoral and boundary arrangements.

There are concerns with the process as well.

As the policy has been driven by individual deals, there is an inherent level of secrecy involved, which has troubled some. Engagement, accountability and scrutiny have all been raised as significant issues. Others worry about an under-the-radar local government restructure, as well as the lack of clarity about what is actually on offer, the divide and rule tactics and the rapid pace of change. The Mayoral model has also been a serious sticking point, particularly in county areas.

However there was also praise for the fact that the government has got the ball rolling. Pragmatic negotiators recognise that current deals could be a stepping-stone to further devolution in the future.

Meanwhile, the process is exacerbating a number of significant cleavages across the political landscape. These are apparent between central and local government, between different tiers of local government, and within the main parties.

A further worry is that mayors and local MPs may find themselves in conflict, with overlapping remits. There are already reports of MPs making their presence felt in negotiations, which have not helped to ease tensions.

So where does that leave us?

There may be big unintended consequences, as often happens when one arm of the state is used as a tool to ram home the policy goals of another. How much consideration has really been given to the disparities that might be exacerbated between successful and unsuccessful areas, let alone the prospect of some places falling by the wayside entirely. Is there a long-term plan to allow some parts of the country to “fail”, as with the likes of Detroit in the USA, when the RSG is removed in 2020?

Neither the process, nor the Act, has dealt adequately with issues such as democracy, representation, and civic identity. The deal process in particular has been closed to the wishes of local citizens, and even council leaders have been the weaker party in negotiations. County Durham is the only authority so far to consult the public on their proposal. Citizens had the chance to approve the bid in a poll carried out in February. On the whole it has been subject to ministerial will, perhaps even to the will of other unelected figures close to the government.

At some point in the near future it is likely that we will reach a tipping point whereby the deal-based approach falls away and devolution becomes de facto national policy, with a framework drawn up and put in place across the country.

There will be a further challenge in clearly defining where power and responsibility lie. Mayors will be accountable upwards to the government and downwards to citizens and stakeholders. The new elected mayor in Greater Manchester, for example, will report to the scrutiny committee of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, drawn from the “Scrutiny Pool” of 30 councillors from the ten authorities.

Despite these arrangements we may start to see that soft power is more decisive than some have considered. Informal brokerage, leadership and negotiation could be key to combining health and social care, for example, though the mayor will have no formal responsibility in that area.

As with previous governments, local government is the arena in which a broader political programme is to be enacted. Whether in practice this is a radical change for the better or just tinkering around the edges we will begin to find out soon. It is certainly incumbent on councils to grasp the nettle by facing up to the offer pragmatically and positively.

To paraphrase Anthony King and Ivor Crewe in The Blunders of Our Governments, we have decided what is to be done, now local government will begin the doing of it.

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This article is a summary of an LGiU long read ‘Devolution: A state of the nation assessment’. The full piece can be accessed here. The post represents the views of the authors and not those of Democratic Audit UK. Please read our comments policy before posting.

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Andrew Walker is a researcher at LGiU and a PhD candidate Queen Mary, University of London, with the Mile End Institute.